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ISSN 2518-1521 (Online), ISSN 2226-2830 (Print) В1СНИК МАРГУПОЛЬСЬКОГО ДЕРЖАВНОГО УН1ВЕРСИТЕТУ
_СЕР1Я: 1СТОР1Я. ПОЛ1ТОЛОГ1Я, 2016, ВИП. 16
contemporary social and political transformations and algorithms of domestic sociopolitical modernization. The study of theoretical and conceptual legacy of Carl Schmitt opens prospects for new interpretation of the specific institutional successful / unsuccessful political and democratic transformation in terms of weakness political and state institutions and the imperfections of the political and legal mechanisms of state power legitimation.
Keywords: rule of law, Carl Schmitt, politics, government, public administration, political institutions.
Л.М. Шумський, О.В. Крисенко ПАРАДИГМА ПРАВОВО1 ДЕРЖАВИ В ПОЛ1ТИЧН1Й КОНЦЕПТОЛОГП
К. ШМ1ТТА
У cmammi розглядаеться теоретична i полтична феноменологiя «правовой держави» в концептологи та ттелектуальнт традицп Карла Шмтта. На основi полтико4сторично'г рестроспекцп подiевого контексту формування «шмiттiанского погляду» на природу демаркаци права, полтики i державного управлтня аналiзуеться iнструментальна перспектива категори «правовог держави».
Суперечливi обставини новтньог полтичног практика в пострадянських кратах актуалiзуе необхiднiсть пошуку нових, бшьш адекватних алгоритмiв полтичного розвитку. При цьому необхiдно переосмислити i використовувати рацюнальш елементи, що м^тяться в концептуальнт спадщит теоретиюв, котрi аналiзували складностi сустльно-полтичних трансформацт в перюд попередтх етатв полтичног модертзацИ та демократизаци, серед яких особливе займае Карл Шмтт.
В статтi робляться висновки про wторичтсть традицт осмислення «правово! держави» та гг самосттний аналтично-концептуальний та полтико-правовий статус, а також про перспективтсть i затребуватсть «концепци правовог держави» Карла Шмтта для аналiзу сучасних сустльно-полтичних трансформацт та алгоритмiв втчизняног сустльно-полтичног модершзаци. До^дження теоретико-концептуального спадщини Карла Шмтта вiдкривае перспективи новог ттерпретацИ iнституцiональног специфжи устшних/неустшних полтико-демократичних трансформацт в умовах слабкостi полтико-державних iнститутiв i недосконалостi полтико-правових механiзмiв легтимацИ державног влади.
Ключов1 слова: правова держава, Карл Шмтт, полтика, влада, державне управлтня, полтичт iнститути.
УДК 791.43-92(73)(045)
S. Pietrzykowski
BEHIND THE WEST WING: A CLOSER LOOK AT THE POPULAR U.S.
POLITICAL TV SERIES
The essential purpose of this article is to provide a detailed and multifaceted characterization of 'The West Wing' - popular American TV series representing a rare combination of politic-fiction, comedy, romance and drama - aired in years 1999-2006 by NBC (one of the country's biggest public broadcast stations, next to ABC, CBS or PBS), which makes a total number of 154 episodes in a respectable, seven-seasons-long run. Nowadays, several years after the emission of its final episode (which took place on May 14, 2006) it is legitimate to perceive 'The West Wing' as a specific tool that enabled the restoration of faith in politics (with particular emphasis on the perception of presidency - "the most important and
meaningful institution of the U.S. system of government" [9, p. 2] that went through a serious crisis in the year in which 'The West Wing' debuted) and the idea of public service among the youngest generation of Americans who turned out to be the show's most dedicated viewers. For many of them watching premiere episodes on Tuesday evenings, later removed on Sundays, or re-discovering the series on collector's DVD releases or throughout internet streaming platforms, constitute a kind of formative experience that significantly increased their knowledge about politics (a subject commonly regarded as "dull") and inspired to direct their steps to the nearest government offices in order to start a political career on their own. Besides being a fictional entertainment program which has to attract viewers and advertisers to not be cancelled in the mid-season, 'The West Wing' indeed carries an actual, completely un-fictional political impact, as it will be demonstrated in the following pages.
In the first part of the paper I try to embed 'The West Wing' in the wider context of primetime TV environment. This allows me to pinpoint certain features which provided the show's enormous success and common recognition. Furthermore, the vast majority of the paper's middle section is designed for a closer examination of 'The West Wing's' essential figure, the Democratic President Josiah "Jed" Bartlet (1999-2007), directing major attention to the undauntedly unique, complex-though-appealing model of "presidentiality" he is manifesting (in accordance to the term invented by Trevor Perry-Giles and Shawn J. Perry-Giles). To maintain political pluralism, I devoted some space to outline few noteworthy characters from the opponent Republican Party. Subsequently, before the closing statement, I refer to the program's collective hero - the White House office workers - and attempt to figure out, at least fragmentally, the reasons behind their immense popularity among 'The West Wing's' audience. When it comes to the literature, for the most part I relied on dynamically developing literature directly referring to the NBC production and/or Aaron Sorkin's writing style - books written by Perry-Giles and Perry-Giles, Janet McCabe or Paul Challen seem to be the most interesting examples - as well as numerous articles published in the ever-growing number of periodicals dedicated to widely-understood media or communication studies.
Key Words: 'The West Wing', political fiction, representation of American politics, presidentiality, Aaron Sorkin.
The West Wing's exceptional importance lies in the fact that it was the first high-quality TV venture, in which creators and producers undertook an ambitious project to present a more detailed, behind the scenes look at the world of U.S. federal politics. So far this was a domain of cinema - to mention divergent feature movies, such as The American President (1995) based on a screenplay written by Sorkin, Alan J. Pakula's publicist All President's Men (1976), Oliver Stone's conspiracy theory depicted in JFK (1991) or action-oriented Air Force One (1997) starring Harrison Ford. If exact or similar issue ever appeared on small screen, in a TV series, it was usually in a sitcom - like ABC's series Spin City (1996-2002) focusing on funny peripeteia of the Mayor of New York City and his team of advisers - late night talk-shows skits or opening monologues (as in now-defunct Late Night with David Letterman or The Tonight Show with Jay Leno and currently airing Late Night with Stephen Colbert or The Tonight Show with Jimmy Fallon) or variety, music or comedy programs such as Saturday Night Live (SNL), MadTV, The Daily Show with Jon Stewart or The Colbert Report1. Parodies of leading
1 See, for example: America (The Book): A Citizen's Guide to Democracy Inaction / editor J. Stewart, B. Karlin, D. Javerbaum & others. - New York : Warner Books, 2004. - 227 p.; Anderson J., Kincaid A. D. Media Subservience and Satirical Subversiveness: 'The Daily Show', 'The Colbert Report', the Propaganda Model and the Paradox of Parody / J. Anderson, A. D. Kinkaid // Critical Studies in Media Communication. - 2013. - Vol. 30, No. 3, P. 171-188; Colbert S. I Am America (And So Can You!) / S. Colbert. - New York : Grand Central Publishing, 2008. - 240 p.; Hmielowski J. D., Holbert R. L., Lee J. Predicting the Consumption of Political TV Satire: Affinity for Political Humor, 'The Daily Show', and 'The Colbert Report' / Hmielowski J. D., Holbert R. L., Lee J // Communication Monographs. - 2011. - vol. 78, No 1. - P. 96-114; Stephen Colbert and Philosophy: I
politicians made by SNL cast oftentimes have a significant impact on actual, real-life politics -Tina Fey's satirical portrait of Sarah Palin has influenced the perception of former Alaska Governor and Vice-Presidential candidate in 2008 elections (another argument which validates scientific approach regarding commonly-understood "entertainment"). When it comes to political dramas, they usually end as short-term projects, lasting no longer than one or two seasons at best or became canceled after few episodes in the worst case scenario - as happened to NBC's The Senator (1970-1971), FOX's Mr. President (1987-1988), HBO's mockumentary Tanner '88 (1988) [7, p. 85-86] or West Wing's competitor in years 2005-2006, one season-long ABC's Commander in Chief (2005-2006) featuring Geena Davis as fictional female President MacKenzie Adams [15, p. 247-261]. During a business meeting in February 1999 between Sorkin, President of NBC Entertainment Scott Sassa (The West Wing's broadcaster) and Warner Bros. TV Executive Peter Roth (The West Wing's producing company), in which the former presented the screenplay of the show's first episode and chiefs of both brands officially green-lighted the start of its production, the latter was supposed to say to Sorkin: "I think this is the most brilliant script I've ever read, but you should know that in the history of television there has never been a successful series set in Washington, D.C., on broadcast television". Self-confident Sorkin immediately responded "Why should I care about it?" and, as it turned out, the right was on his side [14].
The West Wing, especially its first four seasons with Sorkin as head writer and one of the co-producers (till his departure in 2003), gained critical acclaim. It has won several TV awards, including Primetime Emmy and Peabody Awards [6], and received high viewership ratings. The Pilot episode achieved an overall audience of 16,9 million viewers, first season maintained a stable audience reaching 14 millions, second season's opener - double-length episode entitled In the Shadow of two Gunmen were watched by nearly 25 millions, the largest number this program ever achieved. In successive seasons The West Wing ratings systematically diminished, although NBC authorities decided to maintain the show until its seventh season because it managed to keep the most elite and affluent audience between 18 and 49 years old, ideal target for high-quality advertisers, including Lexus, Mercedes or BMV [1, pp. 1-2; 7, p. 24]. In contrast to feature films whose watching (in the most traditional way) constitutes some kind of one-act public ceremonial lasting few hours only, held in a particular place (cinemas) and at specific circumstances (dim lights, big screen, overall silence), popular TV series, because of their general length (broadcast TV dramas such as The West Wing consist of more than 20 episodes each season, lasting usually one hour containing commercial breaks; their equivalents in satellite or cable stations consist from 10 to 13 episodes each season lasting a continuous hour), once-in-a-week frequency and "ordinariness" of reception (episodes usually are being watched in front of TV or computer screen, alone or among friends and/or family) are in position to dig more deeply into the viewer's reality and became a permanently repeated
Am Philosophy (And So Can You!) / editor A. A. Schiller - Chicago-La Salle : Open Court Publishing Company, 2009. - 276 p.; 'The Daily Show' and Philosophy: Moments of Zen in the Art of Fake News / editor J. Holt. -Malden, MA : Blackwell Publishing, 2007. - 270 p.; 'The Daily Show' and Rhetoric. Arguments, Issues, and Strategies / editor T. Goodnow. - Lanhan, MD : Lexington Books, 2011. - 259 p.; Young D. G., Laughter, Learning, or Enlighten? Viewing and Avoidance Motivations Behind 'The Daily Show' and 'The Colbert Report' / D. G Young // Journal of Broadcasting and Electronic Media. - 2013 - vol. 57, No. 2. - P. 153-169.
1 See, for example: Abel A. D., Barthel M. Appropriation of Mainstream News: How 'Saturday Night Live' Changed the Political Discussion / A. D. Abel, M. Barthel // Critical Studies in Media Communication - 2013. -vol. 30, No. 1. - P. 1-16; Flowers A. A., Young C. L. Parodying Palin: How Tina Fey's Visual and Verbal Impersonations Revived a Comedy Show and Impacted the 2008 Election / Young A. A., C. L. Young // Journal of Visual Literacy. - 2010. - vol. 29, No. 1. - P. 47-67, Peifer J. T. Palin, 'Saturday Night Live', and Framing: Examining the Dynamics of Political Parody / J. T. Peifer // The Communication Review - 2013. - vol. 16, No.3. - P. 155-177.
(and re-lived) ritual1. Same happens in relation to The West Wing, which authors, besides delivering a weekly portion of entertainment, also intended to educate and politically nourish their actual followers. As noted by Janet McCabe: "Each week the show provided a vibrant civics lesson on a broad range of issues from hate-crime legislation and gun control to budget appropriations and the arcana of U.S. Census sampling. Constitutional law and domestic policy intertwined with foreign affairs as the administration dealt with Middle East discord and the specter of international terrorism, centered on the fictional Qumar" [7, p. 4].
Due to its success, The West Wing has paved the way for current-day, increasingly popular political fictions, such as House of Cards (Netflix), Scandal (ABS), Veep (HBO), Homeland (Showtime), State of Affairs (NBC), Madame Secretary (CBS), The Wire (HBO) or further seasons of The Good Wife (CBS). There were many of factors which enabled The West Wing's enormously triumphant run within U.S. quality primetime TV. The show achieved high level of political verisimilitude by employing real-life White House officials as program's consultants - former Clinton's Press Secretary Dee Dee Myers; chief economic advisor of Bill Clinton and Barack Obama Gene Sperling; Al Gore's speechwriter Eli Attie; Jimmy Carter's pollster Patrick Cadell, former Staff Director for the Senate Finance Committee Lawrence Francis O'Donnell, best known as host of his own news program on MSNBC (all of them, associated with the Democratic Party, were hired during The West Wing's initiative, most proliberal and left-oriented era) as well as Marlin Fitzwalter, White House Press Secretary for six years under Ronald Reagan and George H. Bush, Reagan's speechwriter Peggy Noonan, pollster Frank Luntz and "Weekly Standard" writer John Podhoretz (Republican Party supporters assigned later). Instead of focusing on stories that appear on the covers of daily newspapers (a feature characterizing programs such as Homeland or Mr. Robot), The West Wing authors offer a rejuvenating look at the mechanisms of American democratic system. As said by Eric Lesser, one of the many The West Wing fans who decided to works in politics, it "took something that was for the most of the part considered dry and nerdy - especially to people in high school and college - and sexed it up" [22]. "This was a show that made even the census compelling" - confirms another enthusiast, Kurt Bardella - "It's funny, because I ended up working on the Oversight Committee - which has jurisdiction over the census - and I can tell you, the census is not the most exciting topic in the world" [22]. Because of the show's "entertaining while educational" [5, p. 72] character and its ability to "create an authentic context for political instruction" [5, p. 67], Wayne Journell and Lisa Brown Buchanan, experts on education, suggest incorporating video footages from The West Wing into high school civics or government courses - with particular emphasis on certain episodes from the opening season,
1 Until the display of the show's finale - in this case May 14, 2006, the emission of the 22th episode of seventh season entitled Tomorrow - after which many of The West Wing's most ardent fans felt like the world has just ended [23, pp. 266-279].
2 HBO's The Wire, created by David Simon - a distinctive example of high-brow socio-political drama, wherein throughout the story of a young, ambitious politician Tommy Carcetti (Aidan Gillen) the viewer has an opportunity for a deeper insight into the realities of local government policy in Baltimore - lasted five seasons in years 2002-2008 despite relatively dissatisfactory ratings. One of the reasons for the program's continuing maintenance - apart from its rare quality - was HBO's general policy. In opposite to U.S. major broadcast TV networks (NBC, ABC, CBS, PBS) which main source of incomes comes from advertising profits, HBO (same as AMC, Showtime or FX) is a commercial cable and satellite stations base its funding primarily on viewers' subscriptions. Therefore, the station is able to generate (and keep safe) numerous experimental productions, like afore-mentioned The Wire which was widely appreciated after its final episode (several opinion-magazines announced it as "the best TV-show ever) and became a subject of academic classes. See, for example, a series of lectures arranged by the "Boundary Questions" Research Group Department [Pracownia Pytan Granicznych] at Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznan under the title: The Guts of the System. People and Institutions in the Critical Analysis of 'The Wire' and 'Treme' [David Simon's another show made in HBO after the cancellation of The Wire - SZ.P] [Wngtrznosci systemu. Ludzie I instytucje w krytycznej diagnozie seriali "The Wire" i "Treme"], Mode of access: http://www.graniczne.amu.edu.pl/moodle/enrol/index.php?id=47&lang=en.
which tackle large amount of issues discussed in the curriculum: legislative process, already mentioned census, the death penalty, Supreme Court nominations [5, p. 71]. Peter M. Smudde and John R. Luecke, in turn, appreciate The West Wing's pedagogical validity for future public relation specialists - by watching selected dramatized cases, students, for example, become more familiar with decision-making process and learn about conditions that facilitate effective team-work or how to handle with complex high-priority and/or stress-related situations [16, pp. 107-110].
Sorkin's ambition to reflect the political reality has often met with harsh criticism in relation to certain subjects or circumstances where, according to its critics, The West Wing failed to do it accurately. Several left- and right-wing publicists, media/politics experts, former officials (and others) raised a multiple set of charges, e.g.: deliberated omission of such factors as "staff competition, factionalism, groupthink, and presidential isolation" [9, p. 13]; overtly idealistic emphasis on "feelings, both of the presidential stuff and of the nation at large" -sometimes the characters intend not do something and/or not to make a certain decision because "it doesn't feel right" [1, p. 33]; disproportionate portrayals of Democrats and Republicans; demonization of Arabs corresponding (rather not coincidentally) with unabashedly pro-Israeli orientation [3, pp. 109-110], patronizing attitude towards representatives of non-Western nations (Africans, Indonesians), underrepresentation of minorities in The White House, spreading negative stereotypes or misrepresentations of women, explicit affirmation of white masculine power [9, pp. 54-171; 10, pp. 217-223], and many more. As stated earlier, Sorkin's mayor intention was to reflect the reality, not to duplicate it entirely - for him "the appearance of reality is more important than reality itself" [9, p. 13] - and authors of critical opinions concerning program's unsatisfactory authenticity mostly did not include the simple fact that The West Wing is an entertainment TV show. Such genre has its own distinctive elements distinguishing it from model nightly news coverage or C-SPAN transmission, i.e.: dramatization, oversimplification, carnivalesque exaggeration (in the tradition of Michael [Mikhail] Bakhtin1), the occurrence of fictional characters, easy juxtapositions (heroes vs. villains). The West Wing, moreover, consist another characteristic feature, not appearing on CNN or C-SPAN - it allows viewers to take a deeper look behind the scenes of White House rooms. In accordance with Erving Goffman's findings revealed in his best-known publication The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (1959), The West Wing portrays multiple front- and backstage activities performed by the Washington staffers, as well as initial (and closing) stages of their workings. As New Yorker long-time critic Nancy Franklin aptly assumes: "what we glimpse is probably the tip of the iceberg - but The West Wing makes viewers feel as though they had a ringside seat in the Oval Office [1, p. 40]. Amidst the show's many other values are: original storytelling, appreciated both by critics and
1 See, for example: Bakhtin Carnival and Other Subjects: Selected Papers from the Fifth International Bakhtin Conference, University of Manchester, July 1991/ editor D. Shepherd. - Amsterdam-Atlanta : Rodopi Press, 1993. - 303 p.; Clark K., Holquist M. Mikhail Bakhtin / K. Clark, M. Holquist. - Cambdridge, MA : Harvard University Press, 1984. - 398 p.; individual case study based on specific example from entertainment media: Hess A. Purifying Laughter: Carnivalesque Self-Parody as Argument Scheme in 'The Daily Show with Jon Stewart' // 'The Daily Show' and Rhetoric. Arguments, Issues, and Strategies / editor J. Holt. - Lanhan, MD, 2007. - P. 93112.
2 As pointed out by the former Television Critics Association president, Eric Kohanik: "The dialogue on The West Wing is unlike anything else on television [...] The busy-ness of it is different as well. There are some shows that try to emulate it but I think it is so captivating that from the moment you turn it on, you have to concentrate and pay attention. Otherwise you will miss things. It's an intelligent show - remarks Kohanik - not one you can veg out in front of. I think it appeals to an audience who wants to watch TV to be entertained, but also to be challenged. Unlike a conventional sitcom or another standard type of drama, this one challenges you in a different kind of way: intellectually" [1. p. 29].
audience1 - in Aaron Sorkin's outstanding writing style and his nearly individual control over script-creating process Janet McCabe recognized "the kind of authorship long associated in with other privileged cultural forms: theater, international art cinema, and literature" [7, p. 32], that is rarely seen on contemporary television, especially public broadcast channels - Thomas Schlamme's distinctive "walk and talk" directing technique, adequate use of music and, last
but not least, plethora of likeable characters, brilliantly played by the cast.
***
The West Wing essential hero, fictional two-term Democratic President, Josiah "Jed" Bartlet (Martin Sheen), former Governor of New Hampshire, surely is an exceptional political leader: a devout Catholic, direct descendant of Josiah Bartlett - actual historical figure mentioned among the signatories of the Declaration of Independence (1776) - University of Notre Dame graduate, holder of Ph.D. degree in economics and Nobel Prize winner, husband of Abigail "Abbey" Bartlet (Stockard Channing), thoracic surgeon and Harvard Medical School alumni with whom he has three daughters (oldest Elizabeth, middle-aged Eleanor and the youngest Zoey). President Bartlet displays multiple talents: he achieved extensive knowledge on many topics (from American national Parks to theoretical physics) which he likes to share on different occasion (causing irritation of his dependents), however he is particularly keen on ancient history and the origins of American democracy, fluently speaks Latin, is able to quote extensive parts from the Bible by heart and occasionally cooks chili for closest co-workers. During the whole seven seasons Bartlet is depicted fulfilling plentiful of functions: chief executive, political candidate, and private citizen are the three most prevailing ones. As shown in research conducted by Holbert and others (2005), he exhibits the most desirable character traits in each of these depictions: principled features (honest, trustworthy, hard working, responsible, and determined) as chief executive and political candidate, and engaging features (loving, warm, sense of humor, and compassionate) as private citizen [4, pp. 512-513 and further].
In various sources (press reviews, survey results, academic papers or private opinions) Bartlet is described as: "smart, funny, decent", "charismatic and quietly omnipotent", "heroic", "too-good-to-be-true" [4, p. 510]; "no common man", "intellectual president" [9, p. 27], "[...] modern presidential hero" [10, p. 223]; "imperial president", having "a strong moral compass [and] a nimble mind" [7, p. 73 and 92]; "first among equals", "honest and truly caring person" "better real-life president as Clinton or Gore or Bush" [1, p. 4, 33 and 62]. Brought to life by Aaron Sorkin - Democratic Party supporter since 1972, when he volunteered for progressive, left-winged presidential candidate George McGovern [1, p. 11] - the figure of Jed Bartlet may seem to look like a projection of what a model Democrat should be. The fact that his impersonator, Martin Sheen, is a pro-Democratic political activist [1, pp. 35-36], like most of
1 According to B. E. Warne, one of The West Wing's enthusiasts and creator of an amateur fansite http://westwing.bewarne.com/ [19.10.2015] - "Sorkin's writing is so spectacular and we, as TV viewers, are so are so pleased to see that level of writing devoted to television! And I think people also like to see something that makes them think (I could be wrong about that, maybe it's just the viewers I hear from). The acting is really extraordinary but it is the writing that give [sic - SZ.P] these actors something to do [...], [1, p. 61].
2 One of the most distinctive characteristics of modern-day television is the increasingly stronger position of the show's creator/showrunner. In general, such persons formulate the show's original conception, produce its opening episodes, oversee the process of its development and are responsible for its success or failure. In U.S. broadcast channels, due to various restrictions (for example: age limitations, nudity ban, and impossibility of using obscene words or exposing sexual relations) creators encounter numerous obstacles hindering their freedom of expression, although there are some authors who managed to maintain their original style, including Sorkin or NBC's Community creator, Dan Harmon. Nowadays, however, various satellite and cable channels, as well as internet streaming platforms (such as Netflix, Yahoo or Amazon) offer incomparably better conditions to create authorship TV series, to mention David Simon's The Wire (HBO), Vince Gilligan's Breaking Bad (AMC), Matthew Weiner's Mad Men (AMC), Beau Willimon's House of Cards (Netflix), Nic Pizzolatto's True Detective (HBO), Ryan Murphy's American Horror Story (FX) and many other examples.
The West Wing cast [1, pp. 36-37], only strengthens such impression. As an economist Bartlet was intellectually closer to Keynesian views; being closely related to one of the founders of the American diplomatic system, he highly respects the idea of public service; his devout, though not fanatical, catholic faith does not interfere with wide sense of tolerance and social commitment. Such persons are rather unlikely to exist, and if some politicians share certain characteristics with The West Wing fictional president, they are likely to lose the elections by large margin of votes. Such as recently mentioned McGovern, who gathered only 17 electoral votes (approximated number of over 29 million popular votes - 37,4%) against Richard Nixon's 520 (over 47 million - 60,7%) [17]. McGovern's 1972' failure found its reference in political vocabulary - "McGovernism" has quickly became a popular label for overly idealistic policy that has no chance for implementation. In The West Wing pretty McGovern-like Bartlet won the fictional 2002 elections, beating his Republican opponent, "anti-intellectual", "plain-spoken" Governor of Florida Robert Ritchie (James Brolin) who was portrayed as "likable but limited in his understanding of domestic and foreign policy" [9, p. 49] (quite similar to George W. Bush) and hold the position of an outsider within GOP (same as John McCain). The size of his victory - Bartlet carried over 39 states (including District of Columbia) gaining 419 electoral votes (53,766,221 popular votes - 55%) while Ritchie - remaining 11 (most states of the so-called "Bible Belt" including Texas) gaining 119 electoral votes (42,992,342 popular votes - 44%) [20] - seems like an illusory reversal of Nixon and Ronald Reagan overwhelming victories. Reagan's win over Walter Mondale in 1984 was even more impressive [18].
Bartlet surely has some weaker points; he commits mistakes or experiences failures and hardships. He concealed from the public opinion and some of the employees that he suffers from a recurring disease known as multiple sclerosis (MS) which symptoms may significantly hinder the exercise of his presidential duties - a decision that significantly worsened part of his relations and caused serious legal questions [24, pp. 69-79]. His unbridled intellectualism oftentimes irritates family and co-workers. During many episodes of the opening season -eighteen out of twenty two, as observed by Trevor Perry-Giles and Shawn J. Perry-Giles [9, pp. 25-26; 10, p. 213] - he gives an impression as if he could not handle with low approval ratings and the overwhelming chaos in his vicinity. A chaos that "represents an integral theme rather than a plot device to be resolved quickly at the end of each hour's episode" [9, p. 25] - in the first episode his continuous absence caused by a bicycle accident is not a particularly promising presage. Unlike Bill Clinton, whose personal misbehaving (whether reports on sexual harassment were actual or presumed, it remains a separate issue) seriously undermined the achievements of his administration and wiped off previously held, generally positive perception of Clinton as a congenial, "unstuffy [...] down-to-earth" person1, in Bartlet's case
1 Adhering to the terms suggested by R. L. Holbert and others, it can be assumed that the revelation of Clinton's surprisingly un-engaging character traits overshadowed these engaging ones, as well as principled features he expressed fulfilling the function of political candidate and chief executive [4, p. 512]. The further away from year 1998, however, the negative opinions that arose in consequence of "Monica Lewinsky scandal" appear to be waning, replaced by a nostalgic sentiment for the past decade of the nineties, with whom Clinton is partly associated. During the 2008 presidential election (and later) a large number of Democrats' voters assessed that if there were such a possibility, they would easily vote "for Bill" instead of Hillary Clinton who - due to her persistent image as undoubtedly "smart" and "competent" but also "angry, shrill, overambitious woman" - was conceived as hardly likable, thus unelectable, political candidate and future-president - another argument for the thesis that personal character traits can be crucial while running for political office and the evaluation of female politicians is excessively gendered. In 2012, when the Obama-Biden team was seeking re-election, they tried to take some advantage of (Bill) Clinton's unceasing popularity by inviting him as one of the speakers during the Democratic National Convention in Charlotte. His speech was enthusiastically endorsed by the gathered audience and gained positive reviews among the commentators, see: Holliday D. Would you vote for Bill Clinton if he could run for office again? Why? [Electronic resource] / D. Holliday // Quora. - 2014. - Mode of access : https://www.quora.com/Would-you-vote-for-Bill-Clinton-if-he-could-run-for-office-again-Why [19.10.2015]; Rivers C, Barnett R. C., The New Soft War on Women: How the Myth of Female Ascendance is Hurting Women,
"such humanization potentially strengthens the identification with viewers' insecurities and foibles" [1, pp. 37-38] - in reference with Perry-Giles and Perry-Giles opinion. Both authors think of Bartlet as a "postmodern romantic hero" who "does not have all the answers and cannot control the chaos of this world" [10, p. 223]. That serving as President of the United States can be physically and intellectually exhausting (with emphasis on the latter) was vividly depicted in the third season of House of Cards where so far unstoppable, power-hungry Frank Underwood (Kevin Spacey) encounter severe obstacles after moving to the White House in result of the impeachment of his indolent predecessor and former boss, Garrett Walker (Michael Gill) - in which Underwood was actively involved. He deals with this challenge rather poorly, as we subsequently learn that his fellow Democratic Party will not support his potential run for a full second term (Underwood decides to do it either way). In opposite to Underwood's unshakable Machiavellianism; Bartlet "relies on a collective, albeit ideologically dissonant, heroism that includes women and people of color1 and in which insecurities are expressed, anxieties acknowledged, and heroic actions questioned" [9, p. 223]. If House of Cards somehow resembles Shakespearian plays, then The West Wing appears to be 21st century version of de Tocqueville's Democracy in America (1835, 1840) updated after the postmodern turn.
Unsurprisingly, due to its shamelessly liberal and progressive bias The West Wing was slammed by the conservative media, in which it was better known under the alternative title The Left Wing, invented by "Jewish Journal" columnist Naomi Pfefferman [10]. John Podhoretz described it viciously as an example of "pornography for liberals". "These characters aren't human beings - he pointed out the show's naive inaccuracy - They are noble soldiers in a noble cause, and they have been washed clean of every impurity because of it" [1, p. 35]. When Sorkin - who struggles with drug-abuse and was forced to undergo rehab twice, in 1995 and 2001 [1, pp. 14-15 and 48-49], once again was caught in possession of illegal substances - Podhoretz ranted: "I don't know about you, but frankly, I don't need any lessons on theology, destiny, public service, job creation, pay equity, or conservative ideology from a drug addict" [11]. Despite being such a relentless critic of The West Wing, he was later hired as the show's official consultant. His name is credited for all 22 episodes of season five in years 2003-2004, from its opener entitled 7A WF 83429 (aired on September 24, 2003) to the finale (Memorial Day - May 19, 2004). Podhoretz's appointment was closely related with Sorkin and Schlamme's departure with the end of fourth season. At first glance, the official reasons behind their decision to leave sound mundane: declining viewership ratings, lower revenues from advertising which resulted in budget overruns; Sorkin's authoritarian control over the writing-process and his continuous habit to deliver episode scenarios right before shooting2; recurring
Men - and Our Economy / C. Rivers, R. C. Barnett. - London-New York : Penguin Books, 2013. - 288 p.; Wyler G Bill Clinton Just Gave This Convention Speech, And It Drove Democrats Into A Total Frenzy / G. Wyler // Business Insider - 2012. - Mode of access : http://www.businessinsider.com/bill-clinton-speech-dnc-2012-9.
1 After the emission of the show's first episodes National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) officially complained because of the absence of non-white staffers in the White House. In consequence of such opinion, with which Sorkin totally agreed, he introduced the figure of Charlie Young (Dule Hill), African-American appointed as Personal Aide to President Bartlet, as a member of the featured cast, and strengthened the position of other African-American characters, such as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Admiral Percy Fitzwallace (John Amos) or National Security Adviser Nancy McNally (Anna Deavere Smith) [9, pp. 87-117; 1., pp. 41-42] Additionally, in his interview with "The Hollywood Reporter" Sorkin admits that legendary actor Sidney Poitier was his first choice for the role of President Bartlet [14].
2 Janet McCabe mentions that as long as The West Wing generated incomes, NBC and Warner Bros. Television turned a blind eye to Sorkin's various excesses, excusing them as "the cost of dealing with an artist' - the supervisors, however, have lost their patience after the show's three-seasons-long success story suddenly ended. In the later phase of the show, beginning from season five, departure John Wells, its incumbent executive producer, replaced Sorkin as chief-writer. Wells - previously known as a person standing behind the enormous success of NBC's medical drama Er (1994-2009) has managed to significantly democratize the script-writing
problems with drugs in spring 2001, overshadowing the final stage of season two [1, pp. 4950], the need for a new start somewhere outside The West Wing1.
Although Sorkin and Schlamme did not disclosed any specified, informal and/or nontechnical details regarding their conflict with NBC and Warner, it is believed that both producers refuse to alter the political direction of the show, in order to stay in tune with the country's right-wing, pro-Republican switch after George W. Bush's presidential victory and eventually attract larger amount of more conservative viewers [7, pp. 12-13]. The changes begun at the turn of fourth and fifth season when Bartlet - relying on the Twenty-Fifth Amendment and in the absence of Vice-President - temporarily abdicates in favor of the "bellicose" [7, p. 13] Republican Speaker of the House, Glen Allen Walken (John Goodman). There is no particular difference between Walken and Robert Ritchie, who bear resemblance with contemporary Tea Party leaders. In turn, Ainsley Hayes (Emily Procter) together with Arnold Vinick (Alan Alda) represents upper quality GOP politicians. The former is a devoted Republican and subordinate White House Counsel employed on Bartlet's special request after demonstrating impressive knowledge on education during her appearance on political talkshow. The latter, a Senior Republican Senator from California (serving in Washington since 1982) and presidential candidate in fictional 2006 election who fought not only for presidency but "for the very soul of his party"[7, p. 116] and, because of his experience and outstanding competency, posed a serious threat to his young Democratic opponent Matthew Santos (Jimmy Smits) with whom he slightly lost - 266 to 272 electoral votes [21] but saw no contradiction against taking the crucially important position of Secretary of State in already-forging Santos administration. They both held undoubtedly conservative opinions. Hayes, for example, finds feministic activism "irrelevant" considering that "women had equality under the Constitution and [there is - SZ.P] no need for the Equal Rights Amendment" [7, p. 107]. Vinick supports tax cuts, nuclear energy, opposes against moratorium on the federal death penalty and strongly undermines gun control legislation. Nevertheless, they are able to explain and/or defend them rationally throughout an open discussion. Agreeing to serve under the government other than Republican, Hayes and Vinick manifest far-reaching conciliatory skills that in the world of excessively antagonistic bi-partisan politics became increasingly rare2. Although in the eyes of such Republicans as Walken or Richie, their decisions may be seen as betrayal, Hayes and Vinnick proved to be righteous, not only right-wing.
As a socially engaged Republican who expresses a pro-choice stance on abortion, Arnold Vinnick appears to the viewer as complex, multifaceted person, thus somehow overthrowing John Podhoretz's opinion about uncomplicated characters in The West Wing (for a large number of GOP politicians and voters the very fact that Vinick does not condemn abortion automatically excludes him from being a righteous person). A similar phenomenon applies to Josiah Bartlet. During the show's first two seasons Bartlet takes a number of decisions that effectively cripple his image as ardent Catholic or openly-thinking progressive liberal, e.g.: he declines to commute the death sentence of a prisoner [1, p. 43]; shows hesitation to
process, reverse the show's focal point from domestic policy to confrontation with international terrorism, exchange part of the cast [7, pp. 35-36].
1 Subsequently, Sorkin, Schlamme and part of The West Wing cast began working on ephemeral NBC's Studio 60 on the Sunset Strip, lasting in years 2006-2007, the former one contributed screenplays to HBO's series The Newsroom (2012-2014) and several feature films: Charlie Wilson's War (2007), The Social Network (2010), Moneyball (2011) and Jobs (2015).
2 In one of the show's most memorable moments Hayes indigently rejects her colleagues' accusations that Democrats with whom she works are "worthless" and "unpatriotic": "Say they're smug and superior. Say they approach to public policy makes you want to tear your hair out. Say they like high taxes and spending your money. Say they want to take your guns and open your borders. But don't call them worthless... the people I have met have been extraordinarily qualified - their intent is good. Their commitment is true. They are righteous and they are patriots" [9, p. 21].
demonstrate a more resolute position on gay rights, including the so-called "Don't ask, don't tell" (DADT) policy concerning the presence of homo-, bi-sexual or transgender people in the U.S. army [1, p. 43]; he recognizes the existence of pornography as one of the manifestations of freedom of speech but distastes it simultaneously1. It can also be said that, in certain circumstances, The West Wing fictional President "pursued a foreign policy more hawkish than ever that of the Bush administration" [3, p. 100] - that multiple plotlines confirming such observations have been created under Aaron Sorkin's watch makes them even more interesting. He suggests, for instance, a tough response to the Syrian regime for shooting down U.S. military plane carrying his personal doctor, African-American Navy officer Morris Tolliver (Ruben Santiago-Hudson) and his family, angrily overexposing to the generals, intelligence supervisors and civilians gathered in the Situation Room: "Let the word go forth, from this time and place, gentlemen - you kill an American, any American, we don't go back with a proportional response. We come back with a total disaster!" [9, p. 96]. Conclusively, Bartlet orders to bomb limited military objects after being reminded how disastrous consequences could induce such response. When it comes to the issue of America's shriveling reputation abroad and the decline of its status as world's only remaining superpower (encouraging numerous enemies to undertake even bolder actions), he presents himself as a proud patriot, seeking to restore the country's old-times splendor. In a conversation he took with his Chief of Staff, Leo McGarry (John Spencer), Bartlet evokes an example from ancient Rome:
Did you know that two thousand years ago a Roman citizen could walk across the face of the known world free of the fear of molestation? He could walk across the earth unharmed, cloaked only in words Civis Romanis; I am a Roman citizen. So real was the retribution of Rome, universally understood as certain, should any harm befall even one of its citizens. Where is the retribution for the families and where is the warning to the rest of the world that Americans shall walk this earth unharmed, lest the clenched fist of the mightiest military force in the history of the mankind comes crashing down on your house? [9, p. 27].
Rather than being one of the many historical digressions, which Bartlet frequently likes to express, afore-mentioned words designated the general manner in which his administration intend to deal with domestic and international dangers. Contrary to George W. Bush, who preferred unilateral foreign policy enhanced by pseudo-Messianic rhetoric, and more like his father, George H. Bush, Bartlet forms a "Western coalition" against terrorism, including Great Britain or Japan [9, p. 30]. If Bartlet finds himself in front of a serious crisis and feels that "the international law is ill-equipped to handle the problem of terrorism" [3, p. 107] - a reflection deduced by Rachel Gans-Boriskin and Russ Tisinger in their study on the framing of war, terrorism and radical Islamism emphasized on The West Wing - he ultimately decides to violate its rules. He takes those decisions not without his doubts, but mostly with a positive effect - as in the case of Abdul Sharif, Defense Minister of the fictional state of Qumar situated in the Middle-East, America's strategic ally in fight against terrorism which, in fact, simultaneously trains and finances certain terroristic organizations (a close equivalent of Pakistan, Saudi Arabia or Oman). When the Americans discover that Sharif - a character combining characteristics of both Saddam Hussein and Osama bin Laden [3, p. 108] - has advanced plans to carry out an attack the United States - and the possibility of his trial, as originally suggested by Bartlet, seems hampered because the crucial information were obtained illegally (from a Chechnyan rebel tortured by Russians) which would significantly weaken the arguments of the prosecution - the President, knowing that there are any other legal options to stop and punish Sharif, gives the green light for his discreet assassination. This type of solution
1 Bartlet perhaps most resolutely expresses his distanced position in the conversation with Christian Conservative John Van Dyke during the Pilot episode. On Van Dyke's question "If our children can buy pornography on any street corner for five dollars, isn't that too high a price to pay for free speech". "No" - replies Bartlet and adds instantly: "On the Other hand, I do think that five dollars is too high a price to pay for pornography" [2, p. 83].
fits into the concept of pre-emptive strike, discussed - among others - by Benjamin Barber or Michael Walzer, although, as observed by Admiral Percy Fitzwallace, "natural law" does not apply to terrorism which "by breaking the laws of nature, puts itself outside the laws of civilized society" [3, pp. 107-108]. Parry-Giles and Parry-Giles maintain that besides already voiced "postmodern" and self-doubting elements in the portrayal of the presidency offered by The West Wing, there is enough room for a more traditional, hence "modern" depiction of U.S. highest and most powerful political office. In their opinion, switch from the former to the latter takes place with episode nineteen, persuasively entitled Let Bartlet Be Bartlet [10, p. 217]. After his transformation: "This modern presidential hero can manage the chaos, fight for what
is right and oppose what is wrong" [10, p. 223].
***
In years 1999-2006, during which The West Wing was broadcasted, there was a particular difficulty to maintain political idealism. September 11, 2001 attacks have designated a touring point in recent American (and beyond-American) history. For the second time since Pearl Harbor a sense of national security was seriously undermined1. This resulted in the launching of the so-called "War on Terror" set on several fronts (Afghanistan, Iraq), which negative consequences are perceptible till today. "Carefree 1990s" - a label that can be used to briefly describe Bill Clinton's two-term presidency (1993-2001), due to robust economic growth (reflected in a rarely generated budged surplus), neo-liberal consensus between two main parties and, apart from few exceptions, a relatively stable domestic and foreign situation in a new, post-Cold War international order - has ended with a disconcerting tendency, i.e.: increasing decline of the president's office (in relation to specific example - closing stage of Clinton's administration and the presidency in general). As noted by Parry-Giles and Parry-Giles, the show's opening episode - which made his screen debut on September 22, 1999, preceded by an intensive promotional campaign - "occurs in a historical moment when the presidency and its meaning are in flux" [9, p. 7]. Certain premises initiated during the Vietnam War, Watergate affair, Iran hostage crisis, Iran-Contras negotiations, reached its peak in the late 1990s and early 2000s, including Clinton-Lewinsky sex scandal that led to the following impeachment procedure on Clinton in years 1998-1999 and controversial 2000 presidential election in which the Republican candidate, former Texas Governor George W. Bush won with his Democratic opponent, former Clinton's Vice-President Al Gore by a minimal margin of electoral votes (271 to 266 - a difference very similar to that of The West Wing 2006 election between Santos and Vinick) in a mandatory recount in Florida confirmed by the decision of United States Supreme Court on December 13, 2000. The fact that defeated Gore racked up larger amount of popular votes that the elected - nearly 51,000,000 (48,4%) to approximate 50,500,000 (47,9%) gained by Bush [19], calls into question the presumably democratic character of American political system. Under such circumstances, the figure of fictional President Bartlet - who is not Clinton but shares his political agenda or conducts relentless policy against international terrorism (very much in style of Bush Jr.) which turns out to be much more conciliatory and politically effective than that of the former Texas Governor offered a relief for frustrated and/or ideologically disoriented voters. For many viewers Bartlet seems like an ideal signing. Their attitude towards the eloquent politician from New Hampshire perhaps is most honestly reflected in the following words of Leo McGarry. Asked by a self-doubtful political candidate Josiah Bartelt (as we already know, political candidate
1 Beginning a period of time in which most of the citizens were willing to give up elemental civic rights and freedoms in favor of at least fragmentary restitution of widely felt safety - the philosophy behind now-infamous Patriot Act can be explained in the following matter.
2 Apparently, his attempts to cover-up the fact that he suffers from multiple sclerosis which lead to federal investigation occupying significant part of the second season's plot seems less severe for his image than accusations of sexual harassment, as in the case of Clinton.
was one of Bartlet's three mayor functions during the show, next to chief executive and private citizen) Leo explains why he so strongly supports his candidacy:
Because I'm tired of it - he replies - year after year after year after year. Of having to choose between the lesser of who cares. Of trying to get myself excited about a candidate who can't speak in complete sentences. Of setting the bar so low I can hardly look at it. They say a good man can't get elected president. I don't believe that, do you? [9, p. 34].
Aware of general and ever-increasing importance of rhetoric portrayal of presidents, Parry-Giles and Parry-Gilles coined the term "presidentiality". "By presidentiality, we refer to an ideological rhetoric that helps shape and order the cultural meaning of the institution of the presidency - claim both authors - Presidentiality is an amalgam of different voices and divergent texts that that use as a referent the office of the President of the United States and the individuals who hold that office. Presidentiality, thus, is responsive to context and collective memory - they continue - and it defines, in part, the national community by offering a vision of this central office in the U.S. political system" [9, pp. 1-109; 10, pp. 209-210]. As in the case of real-life presidents (or other political figures), who attach enormous attention to PR-issues and self-presentation, presidentiality may also refer to fictional ones, inhabiting contemporary U.S. pop culture. If an imaginary representation of the presidency is "mimetically efficacious" [9, p. 4], i.e.: it is persuasive and credible enough or offers a new dimension, it can influence the public opinion to a similar extent as "actual" presidents do (the most exact manifestation of such trend are flags with inscriptions "Bartlet for President" or numerous media speculations whether Martin Sheen, associated both with the Democrats and Ralph Nader, would start in the election as real-life presidential candidate). Therefore, certain social scientists - for example: Parry-Giles and Parry-Gilles (2002, 2006); Holbert, Pillon, Tschida, Armfield, Kinder, Cherry, Daulton (2003); Holbert, Tschida, Dixon, Cherry, Steuber, Arne (2005); Gnas-Boriskin, Tisinger (2005); Semmler, McKay-Semmler, Robertson (2013); Journel, Buchanan (2013) - insist that various politically oriented entertainment productions (including increasingly popular fake news programs offering political satire, such as The Daily Show, The Colbert Report or Last Week Tonight and numerous fictions: feature films and TV series; comedy, dramas and other genres) should become a subject of serious investigation as in the case of traditional hard news coverage.
Another significant impact The West Wing has had on its audience was the restoration of faith in U.S. politics (with peculiar emphasis on the perception of presidency) and the idea of public service. According to the study made by Council for Excellence in Government in 2001 - that is between the The West Wing second and third season, after critical acclaim it received during the 52nd Primetime Emmy Awards - the show was partly responsible for "giving elected officials the second most improved image", ahead of business leaders and teachers in public esteem [9, p. 22]. The specific fact that during the 2004 presidential election certain research centers, including The Annenberg Public Policy Center, reported "the biggest turnout among young voters under 30 in more than a decade" [8] can also be associated with increasing popularity of political dramas, such as The West Wing, or fake-news show offering political satire, like The Daily Show with Jon Stewart. Such change in perception was possible because Aaron Sorkin has designed his program to be a "valentine to public service" [7, p. 4]. He achieves this intention with the help of a large number of supporting characters - The West Wing collective hero, equally important as President Bartlet1. By observing the work of various White House staffers and associates - including (aside from Leo McGarry and Ainsley Hayes), Leo's closest assistant, Deputy Chief of Staff Joshua "Josh" Lyman (Bradley Whitford), Communications Director Toby Ziegler (Richard Schiff), Deputy Communications
1 According to Sorkin, President Bartlet was originally planned to be an episodic character, while the main focus was to be addressed at the White House staffers. However, Martin Sheen gave such a good impression on the The West Wing producers that his airtime was excessively expanded [14].
368
Director/Speechwriter Sam Seaborn (Rob Lowe) later replaced (after Lowe's three-and-a-half years presence on the show) by William "Will" Bailey (Joshua Malina), Press Secretary Claudia Jean "C.J." Cregg (Allison Janney), Media Consultant Madeleine "Mandy" Hampton (Moira Kelly) Deputy Chief of Staff assistant Donnatella "Donna" Moss (Janel Moloney), the First Lady and President's daughters (Elisabeth Moss, Nina Siemaszko, Annabeth Gish), his Personal Assistant Charlie Young (Dule Hill), President's Executive Secretary Del ores Landingham (Kathryn Joosten), Leo and Toby's secretaries, Margaret (NiCole Robinson) and Ginger (Kim Webster) - the viewer is able to attach a "behind the scenes" look of the building at 1600 Pennsylvania Ave NW.
The overwhelming majority of these characters are equipped with a particular set of skills and features that make them ideal (and idealistic) "white-collar" workers: they are amiable, trustworthy, emphatic, well-educated. Mandy, for example, holds a Ph.D. in political science, master's degree in communications and bachelor's degree in history of arts; Josh is a Harvard alumni, C.J. graduated from Berkeley, Sam finished both Princeton and Duke [9, p. 28]. They are dedicated to their case, loyal, charismatic, authoritarian in some of the cases, ready to cooperate despite political differences or individual ambitions. Kay Richardson notices that following the plots of President's major co-workers - due to their outstanding intellect, linguistic awareness, "extensive use of metalanguage and metacommunication" and other advantages - the viewers are able to distinguish and appreciate the work of political communication experts, usually labeled as 'spin' doctors - where 'spin' is, in Richardson's words, "the dismissive term [that- SZ.P] alludes to the use of rhetorical arts to disguise truth and manipulate public opinion, with particular reference to control over the news agenda" [13, p. 53]. Quite on the contrary, Sam, Toby or C.J. use their mastery-level in spoken and written word for positive purposes. As mentioned before, The West Wing has been frequently chastised because of its lack of realism. This complaint also relates to the President and his crew. "The West Wing presents a White House devoid of backstabbing, jockeying for position, and personal ambition - claim Gans-Boriskin and Tisinger - This idealized world may be entertaining, critics argue, but it is not realistic" [3, p. 102]. The depiction of politics on The West Wing indeed seems to look overly idealized; this is the exact reason why it attracted so many people who, identifying with their favorite characters, decided that their dream-job is located not necessarily in Hollywood or Wall Street but in their local or federal governments -Kurt Bardella and Eric Lasser are only two of many such examples [22]. The fictional characteristics and still-lasting, not-so-fictional importance of The West Wing - issues that this article intended to address - perhaps are most accurately expressed by Nancy Franklin, "New Yorker" publicist, whose words I allowed to quote as its conclusion: "It [The West Wing -SZ.P] may not be realistic, but it feels real, and it feels right - if this isn't what the White
House is like, it is what it should be like" [1, p. 27].
***
It appears to me that The West Wing may provide a particularly productive and compelling lecture for the Ukrainians, especially considering the county's most recent situation. It has become a well-known fact that one of the most important and positive consequences of Euromaidan, besides the overthrowing of Viktor Yanukovych, was the "recapture" of state. The Ukrainian state - which previously in fact constituted some kind of a separate ownership divided between the oligarchs and corrupt politicians of different levels, and thus not particularly esteemed, i.e. not treated as if it were a common good - since 2013 has began to be conceived as a fundamental value, both indispensable and dramatically exposed - especially after the annexation of Crimea and beginning of the military actions in Donbass. On the basis of mass demonstrations a strong, self-aware civil society was finally formulated - a society that - after bitter disappointment with the aftermath of the Orange Revolution in 2004 - prefers to resolve the matters single-handedly. Perhaps, this is the reason
why so many Euromaidan activists decided to take part in the 2014 parliamentary elections. Due the lack of time they were not able to create and develop their own political backgrounds, hence - acknowledging that there are no other instant options available - they decided to candidate from the lists of already existing parties (one can say that at this particular moment they are reproducing, to a certain degree, Rudi Dutschke's "long march through the institutions" process). With respect to this kind of situation, political phantasm presented in The West Wing once again may find its right timing and politically absorbent audience1.
References
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1 The current political situation in Ukraine is the subject of a large number of publications that were released on the Polish publishing market in recent months - to mention, among others; Andruchowycz J., Smolenski P. Szcze nie wmerla i nie umrze / J. Andruchowicz, P. Smolenski. - Wolowiec ; Wydawnictwo Czarne, 2014. - 169 s.; Kacewicz M. Sotnie wolnosci; Ukraina od Majdanu do Donbasu / M. Kacewicz. - Warszawa : Ringiel Axer Springer Polska, 2014. - 286 s.; Mucha W. Krew i ziema; o ukrainskiej rewolucji / W. Mucha. - Warszawa : Fronda, 2014. - 351 s.; Parafianowicz Z., Potocki M. Wilki zyj^ poza prawem; jak Janukowycz przegral Ukraine / Z. Parafianowicz, M. Potocki. - Wolowiec ; Wydawnictwo Czarne, 2015. - 403 s.; Pieni^zek P. Pozdrowienia z Noworosji / P. Pieni^zek. - Warszawa : Wydawnictwo Krytyki Politycznej, 2015. - 235 s.; Pogorzelski P. Ukraina; niezwykli ludzie w niezwyklych czasach / P. Pogorzelski. - Gliwice : Wydawnictwo Helion, 2015. - 276 s.; Wyrwal M. ...i zejdzie na ich glowy nasz gniew! / M. Wyrwal. - Warszawa; Swiat Ksi^zki, 2014. - 190 s. Reading of these books was essential in formulating opinion expressed in the epilogue of this paper.
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Стаття надшшла до редакцп 12.09.2016 р.
Ш. Петжиковський
ОГЛЯДАЮЧИСЬ НА «ЗАХ1ДНЕ КРИЛО». ПРИСК1ПЛИВИЙ ПОГЛЯД НА ПОПУЛЯРНИЙ В США ПОЛ1ТИЧНИЙ СЕР1АЛ
Головною метою пропонованог cmammi е уважний та детальний розгляд популярного полтичного серiалу «Захiдне крило», який виходив в ефiрi одного з провiдних телеканалiв США з 1999 по 2006 рр. Серiал носив не тшьки розважальний характер, але й був важливим iнструментом реабштацп в очах американськог молодi тституту президентства та державног служби загалом, як1 в означен роки зазнали великою кризи. Це телевiзiйне шоу мало надихати молодь використовувати свог iдеï та
öoceiö, починаючи самосттну полтичну кар'еру у найближчих урядових установах. Значною мiрою, серiал «Захiдне крило» мав на Memi тдвищення полтичног грамотностi американщв, познайомивши них у доступнт формi з функцюнуванням законодавства, iнститутiв влади, зовтшньополтичного та втськового вiдомств тощо.
У першт частит статтi ми намагаемося розглянути «Захiднe крило» у широкому контeкстi пройм-тайм телебачення, а в наступнт частим - проаналiзувати зображення американськог полтичног дiйсностi на тeлeвiзiйних екранах. Автор зосереджуе свою увагу на полтичних та сощальних факторах, як забезпечили значний устх сeрiалу. Автор також значне м^це придшив аналiзу ф^ури переЫчного ствробтника апарату Президента, розглядаючи реалгг роботи на м^цях ^iзь призму тeлeвiзiйно'г подачi. У статтi проаналiзовано причини великог популярностi сeрiалу «Захiднe крило» серед публти.
Уткальтсть сeрiалу «Захiднe крило» як вигаданого полтичного середовища обумовлена тим фактом, що це шоу дтсно мало реальний вплив на розвиток американськог полтики, що також знайшло вiдображeння у пропоновант публтацп
Ключовi слова: «Захiднe крило», полтичний сeрiал, рецепщя американськог полтики, iнститут президентства, Аарон Соркт.
