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УДК 94
BAPTIZED AND NOT BAPTIZED NEMCY
IN THE MUSCOVITE SOCIETY OF THE 16th CENTURY
Jukka Korpela
(University of Eastern Finland)
The east European trade of slaves was big business. It had long roots at least from the age of Vikings and thousands of prisoners were transported yearly from Crimea and Kazan' - Astrakhan to the markets of Central Asia, Asia Minor and Mediterranean area and finally even to India. The wars of the 15th and 16th centuries may have increased the number of northern slaves in the Muscovite - Volga markets.
The slaves of the trade were divided into two main categories. First there were ordinary cheap manpower and secondly extraordinary cases which were bought for the harems for noble families and as luxury.
The point of this article is to illuminate the difference between baptized and unbaptized persons in the connection of the slave trade. It is namely curious that this religious aspect was stressed so seriously, and therefore it requests for an explanation.
This phenomenon belongs only to the late 16th century. The state formation had created the Baptism as a criterium for the subject of ruler and this as a side product the protection against slave trade. From the author's point of view one should pay attention to:
1) The slave trade of blond (nemci) girls must have been a big issue already early, because the administration building did not of course form the request.
2) Earlier the religion of the trading objects was a concern of the Church but not of the ruler. When the new economic thinking created an idea of realm economy, the people living in the realm became to means of production and tax payers. This required to limit their kidnapping away.
3) Because the religion became to be a criterium in state formation it became accidentally also a qualification of slave trade.
4) The traders did not take otherwise care of religious issues in this connection, and therefore the illegal trade may have continued also with baptized persons.
Keywords: Eastern European trade of slaves, Muscovite - Volga markets, «nemcy», baptized and unbaptized slaves, realm economy.
A. Problem
When the Nogai ruler Izmail-bek sent a delegation headed by the high-ranking diplomats Temer and Bek-Cura to Moscow in the late summer of 1561 one of the items he ordered Bek-Cura to buy him in Moscow markets was two nemci girls [15, p. 174]. The Persian delegation of Kaja
and hadzi Hosrev was ordered to buy three girls and three nemci slaves in Moscow for Safavid Shah Abbas in 1592-1593 and a further 30 nemci slaves in Kazan' on their journey home. The next winter the Safavid ambassador hadzi Iskender had a long shopping list from the Shah to ask for in Moscow, including 20 slaves in addition to various kinds of furs, wax, birch bark and many other items. In the meeting the Muscovites allowed hadzi Iskender to buy five "more" "nemci" slaves on his way home [34, p. 165, 170, 190, 204, 213-214].
These stories are many in the diplomatic documents of these years and it is clear that Nogai, Tartar, Persian, Caucasian and Turkmen nobles and tradesmen were interested in "nemci" slaves, and especially female ones, which were a very expensive luxury. Izmail-bek gave for his envoys Temer and Bek-Cura 400 roubles for two girls, whereas according to Novosel'skij the average price for a good slave in Crimea was 40-80 roubles [15, p. 178; 32, p. 434 - 436].
Muhammad-Ali, ambassador of the Buharan Khan Abdallah, was allowed to buy "nemci" slaves in 1589 but forbidden to take baptized ones, while the Muscovite officials refused to sell hadzi Iskender baptized slaves and insisted that he should buy unbaptized ones. The authorities even followed the delegation of Andi-bek, Ali Hosrov and hadzi Hussein along the Volga to ensure that no baptized "nemci" slaves were taken to Persia. Likewise in 1600, the Moscow authorities allowed the trader Muhammed to buy only unbaptized "nemci" (girl) slaves for Shah Abbas [28, no. 12; 34, p. 214, 306, 310, 312; 42, p. 57-58].
The east European trade of slaves was big business. It had long roots at least from the age of Vikings and thousands of prisoners were transported yearly from Crimea and Kazan' - Astrakhan to the markets of Central Asia, Asia Minor and Mediterranean area and finally even to India. Most slaves originated from the Russian - Ukrainian lands but some prisoners were transported even from north European forests due to their exceptional qualifications. The wars of the 15 th and 16th centuries may have increased the number of northern slaves in the Muscovite - Volga markets [22; 23, p. 86-88].
The slaves of the trade were divided into two main categories. First there were ordinary cheap manpower and secondly extraordinary cases which were bought for the harems for noble families and as luxury [29, p. 22]. The luxury slaves were young, because they must be trained to their duties. Skin colour mattered also. White slaves were more expensive in generally [22].
The blond or white colour was especially important in the markets of South. According to Ibn Battuta and Afanasij Nikintin white female slaves were expensive and valuable in the Indian markets. They were more expensive in the Italian markets than the black ones and white slaves were better qualified than the other in Egypt, too [49, p. 595-596, 19, l. 200202, p. 102-103, l. 207ob, p. 106, l. 214-216, p. 109-110; 14, p. 185-326;
20, p. 120-121; 26, p. 26, 39, 126 (note 48), 133 (note 103)]. The markets of white slave were mostly in eastern Europe.
Such exceptional cases were worth of transportation even beyond distance. When in Karelian Isthmus (the area between Finland and Sankt-Petersburg) a kidnapped girl cost 5 altyn in the mid of 16th century [35, 7064 (1556); 13, p. 147] and the price level was in Moscow 200 roubles as was in our example case above, the business was profitable and sound, because 200 roubles is equal to 6,666 altyn!
The point of this article is to illuminate the difference between baptized and unbaptized persons in the connection of the slave trade. It is namely curious that this religious aspect was stressed so seriously, and therefore it requests for an explanation.
B. Nemcy
The word "nemcy" refers basically to a person whose speech is not understandable, in Old Russian language. In early medieval times it means especially west Europeans (Germans), but after the late 12th century also Scandinavians were "nemcy". Finns got this lable after the 14th century when the western part of their living area came under the rule of the King of Sweden. Estonians, Latvians and other Baltic people were "nemcy" after they had joined to Roman Catholic church. Thus in late medieval use the concept meant simply western Christians. Siberian and northern Pagans were called by ethnic names and Slav Orthodox Christians Rus'. The only exception in this respect was Roman Catholic Slav speakers which were usually called by their ethnic names [25, p. 42-55].
The concept "nemcy" is problematic in the documents concerning the slave trade, because it is only registered in the 16th century Old Russian language documents, although it tries to reflect an understanding or wish of Turkic or Persian speakers, who were trying to buy such "nemcy" slaves with big money. The basic Russian meaning of the word was most probably totally obscure for the Tatarian traders, because they had neither a clear picture of Germans or West Europeans. E.g., Ottoman traveler Evliya felebi (d. 1682) uses very odd vocabulary concerning West Europeans, and Germans he may have called "dudushka", because it sounds similar like the Italian word for Germans "tedesco" [1, p. 48, note 10 (p. 301)]. Moreover the form of the Christian religion of the slaves could not have been in the interest of the Islamic buyers so that it could have formed a special request with high price and thus the core of the odd concept. On the other hand the word "nemci/y" or something like that did not exist in the language of Crimean Tatars in the 17th century according to Imre Baskin [5, p. 154-155]. Most probably the word "nemci/y" has got a special meaning in the Tatar Slave trade. It was a direct loan from Old Russian not in the meaning of a German or a Swede but in the meaning of the type of northern slave type (blond, white, blue eyes etc.), which usually came from Baltic Frontier.
If we look at the Russian contemporary description of "nemci", they certainly existed among the Russian population as a separate group, which we must define by some way. The ambassador of Czar Feodor, Prince Andrej Dmitrievic Zvenigorodskij, explained to Shah Abbas on January 15 th, 1594, what a rich land Siberia was and what development efforts had taken place there. According to the Prince, there were also many Lithuanian and nemci inhabitants [34, p. 265; Burton, 9, p. 79-80].
The register of townspeople in Kazan' compiled in 1565-1568 contained some "nemci" "puskar", i.e. gunmen and mercenary soldiers [41, p. 21-22 and commentary tablica 3, p. 183]. In the beginning of the 17th century there are already other "nemci" people. The persons named Griska and Ondrjuska in Korotaj and Isengil'dejko in Niznjaja Aisa were from Livonia ("Latys"), Griska and Isengil'dejko being referred to with the epithet "prihodec", "newcomer", while Anca Kutlejarov and Danilko in Ursek, Matys in Starye Menger and Hristofor Kondrat'ev in Unba were "nemci". The "nemci" Anca Sontaleev and "Latys" Jakusko Derbysev were both living in Ursek [37, 103ob., 104, 109, 132ob., 138, 138ob., 177, 180ob., 220ob].
The sources contain also few nemci slaves. The Tartar civil servant Bek-bulat Begisev had a "nemeckoj (latys) polon" on his estate in the region of Svijazkoj, near Kazan', who had escaped with his wife and children in 1621 [1, no. 7]. "Nemci" are no longer recorded in the register for Kazan' by the mid-17th century, but some family names refer to "nemci", e.g. Ontoska Prokofev Nemcin, and there was also a village called Nemcino on the "Nogajskaja doroga" [38, 162, 387ob].
Records for Niznij Novgord are available only after the 1620s. A village termed "Staraja Nemeckaja sloboda" and a burial ground "nemeckoe kladbisce" were located on the River Oka, and there were several people referred to as "nemec" living in the area, some of which were "novokrescen" and had typical Russian names, such as Ivan Jakovlev. Further along the River Oka there was a village described as "Sloboda nizegorodckih nemec i litvy", with an explanation that it was inhabited by "inozemci" (foreigners) who were also called "nemci" even though their names were mostly Russian ones, with certain exceptions such as Ganko Prokoev, Tomilko Ostaf ev, Adam Svideretckij, Adam Ivanov and Indrik Miller. These people were from Livonia or Sweden and may have been free migrants, prisoners of war, slaves or a combination of all these [36, col. 173-178].
The tax books of the region of Staraja Russa contain little material from the late 15 th century but much more from the early 17 th century. The registers have few ethnic references, but those that do exist are family names such as Ivasko Nemcin, Mihal Litvin, Jakim Koreljanin, Jakim Latys and Bogdan Latys [40, p. 4 (l. 140 ob.), 4 (l. 141), 26 (l. 94 ob.), 35 (l. 4), 36 (l. 7), 43 (l. 29), 52 (l. 63), 104 (l. 285), 136 (l. 60), 151 (l. 93), 254 (l. 348ob.)]. The expression "nemci" is used in these registers exclu-
sively to denote the foreign troops which devastated the area in the early 17th century [E.g., 40, p. 146, 151, 164, 169, 170]. The books of the city of Novgorod from the early 17th century do not alter this picture. There were western tradesmen such as Grigorij Grigor'ev, who was a house owner in the Sofia district, and a "galanskie zemli nemCin", a Dutchmen, but otherwise the ethnic references to "nemci" concern the devastation of the city by Swedish troops [39, p. 1-65, the references on p. 6, 10-11].
The copybook of Novgorod d'jak Aljab'jev opens up a perspective on the roles of slaves of various kinds (debt, voluntary, service, prisoners) in local society. The book was compiled in the late 16th century but contains documents (appeals, administrative decisions, court orders) starting from the end of the 15 th century.
The local society in the territory of Novgorod consisted of free farmers and slaves ("holop"). There was also a lot of children who had been born while one of their parents was a slave and were therefore slaves themselves [51, col. 3].
This slave population included some people who were prisoners from Sweden or the Baltic region and who were also labelled as "nemci". Marinka, mentioned in 1588, was a "holop" and Lithuanian prisoner, Palagijca, the daughter of Petrov, was a Livonian taken prisoner in 1578, and Jurka a western Christian and prisoner abducted from Vyborg in 1593. Ovdokimko, recorded in 1597, was a "nemcin" and a prisoner from Tartu, while Ofimka was a Livonian girl taken prisoner in 1565. Another Ofimia was a Livonian girl prisoner captured in 1566, and Olesko a prisoner from Polock in 1565. Mitka, recorded in 1595, was a prisoner from Parnu [51, col. 14 (no. 41), col. 18 (no. 54), col. 18 - 19 (no. 55), col. 101 (no. 284), col. 104 (no. 292), col. 165 (no. 449), col. 195 (no. 526)].
The register of Aljab'jev and other similar source collections [2, I: 13, III: 1-3, IV: 10, 12, 20, 21, IX: 1, 3] confirm the picture obtained from the tax registers. Western prisoners were sold in the countryside and became workers and servants there. They were like all the other ordinary people: free peasants, immigrants and debt slaves. They married and had families, they joined the local society. The memory of their origins must have eventually disappeared after a few generations and a language shift.
C. Re-baptism
Although the Islamic slave owners were for sure not interested in the form of Christianity of their slaves, the religion did matter, however, in the trade in humans from another perspective. Since Islam did not allow the enslaving of Moslems, the Islamic realms were forced to buy Christian or pagan slaves. On the other hand, as Christians were similarly barred from selling other Christians into slavery, Jewish traders and Moslem corsairs played an active role in this business in the Mediterranean. It also meant that trade was directed more towards Africa and the Russian steppes, because there were suitable people available there (pagans, here-
tics, etc.) [17, p. 69-72; 50, p. 158-161; 46, p. 42-43, 57-58, 62, 64, 6667; 43, tome I: 468, 683, tome III: 2956].
Table 1. Numbers of Ethnic Definitions in the Kazan' region Tax Register of 1602-16031.
Newly Baptized Cheremiss Chuvash Tartars Nemci Others Total
180 10 204 139 10 537 1080
A Newly Baptized category is to be found here and there in the tax registers up till northern territories of Karelia, Dvina and Kola. The registration of a person as newly baptized may indicate a non-Orthodox prisoner, immigrants, or equally well a Tartar who had integrated into Muscovite society.
It was common all over the Christian world to re-baptize and re-name slaves [20, p. 37, 435-562; 17, p. 98-103; 14, p. 185-326]. The most common names among the Slav origin people in Venice were Piero, Stefano and Paolo and Christian names were used for Pagan slaves too: Dimitria was "sclava pagana Bulgara" in 1406 and Marina "sclava pagana Circassea" in 1424 [20, p. 157, 394, 556; 16, p. 98-103]. Islam societies used the same praxis [30, p. 122].
The documents tell directly of some Finnish and Baltic prisoners who were re-baptized into Orthodox Christianity. The Baltic prisoner Indrik was renamed Ivasko in 1544 and the Vyborg prisoner Feklitsa became Avdotija in 1597. Matts Manuelsson and Anna Michaelsdotter became Lev and Olenka in 1591. Piritka (Birgitta) from Vyborg likewise came to be known as Solomanitka after an Orthodox baptism in 1593 [51, col. 37 (no. 109), col. 63-64 (no. 177), col. 142-143 (no. 388), col. 165 (no. 448)].
Forty Armenian businessmen appealed to Czar Aleksej 1666. They explained, how they run business in the lands of qizilba? (Persia), in Osman empire, India and in the lands of nemci (western Europe). Everywhere they are able to follow their Orthodox Christian Armenian faith except in Moscow. Here they are not allowed to go to church and no priest will visit a dying Armenian and pray with him [3, no. 9 (p. 42-43)]. Indeed, at least after the Makarian reforms, the Muscovite church regarded all other Christians, even other Orthodox than the subjects of the Moscow Orthodox church as non-Christians.
Therefore due to practical reasons many of those who arrived free to the service or a more permanent stay in Muscovy took often a re-Baptism, because they could so more easily act in the society. Thereafter they were
1 The numbers are collected from the index of the edition and therefore only approximate figures.
"novokrescen" like Armenian Serkis Avanesian who arrived from Crimea 1632 and got a new name Kirill Avanesov [3, no. 2 (p. 4)].
But not all did take a Baptism due to some reason and therefore there were in the landscape people who were "non-Baptized". Jusko Martynov was born a "Latin Christian" and worked in the territory of Novgorod in 1597. He had married Svetna, the daughter of a slave, and their children (Zdanko, Mark, Onusica, Ofimica) were slaves, because they were born in slavery (on their mother's side). Jusko may initially have been a free immigrant from Sweden [51, col. 122 (336)].
The Muscovite church did not separate the re-Baptized from each other according to their background. All former west Christians, Moslems or Animist belonged to the same group. Therefore a big group among the registers consists of those Tartars who took a Baptism. Partly it may have been easier in local society to be a peasant among other Christian peasants, partly they were Tartar nobles who joined to the Muscovite service and were willing to be promoted in the hierarchy. Some baptized had Tartar names, such as Vasilij Hasanmurzin, and sometimes Tartars and newly baptized people were put into the same group, e.g. "the 40 houses of newly baptized, translators and service Tartars", or "the villages of the people of Archbishop, monastery people, newly baptized, Tartars and Chuvash" [41, p. 18, 20, 28, 29, 35, 51, 61 and commentary tablica 10, p. 196; cf. also 7, passim].
D. Mercantilism and Protection of Resources
West European pre-modern princes tried to submit a geographical territory in the meaning of the realm under their sovereign rule. This way of thinking became dominant in the state formation in the 15th century. Territories, tax payers (= subjects), resources and power were divided between princes and registered in the princely documents, when the new administration, legal system and army was established. The resources were protected and administered according to the ideology of Mercantilism, which limited the export of strategic (valuable) goods, submitted the foreign trade and production under state control and issued privileges for limited number of actors in each field [8, p. 482-485].
The princes of Muscovy have followed these tendencies since the early 15 th century and submitted also trade under their control. After the Muscovite occupation of Novgorod, the trade office of Hanseatic League was closed 1494, and when it was reopened 1514, it was not anymore an independent trade institution but under the control of Moscow [10, p. 402-403]. Likewise Crimea was put under blockade and the Prince tried to close a direct trade agreement with the Ottoman Sultan, which also succeeded [48, p. 63-66]. The third direction of this kinds of actions took place in the Volga region, when Prince Vasily III tried to exclude Muscovite traders from the Kazan' summer markets in 1524 and to estab-
lish his own ones in Niznij Novgorod, which finally succeeded, however, only in the 17th century [45, p. 157; 48, p. 134; 6, p. 179].
The core reason was that trade was regarded as a part of the wealth of the realm and not anymore as a private matter of the traders. The realm requested a share of the surplus, and this required limits, instructions, orders and control. The Muscovite ruler issued privileges for certain traders to certain areas and items as well as corporations of traders got monopoly rights. This all created source material for modern historians which did not exist from the earlier periods unless the trade itself existed [47,p.187-196, 209-211; 12, p.62-63, 119-129, 135-136]!
According to Sigismund Herberstein, Polish and Lithuanian traders had free entry to Moscow while Baltic traders must go to Novgorod and Turkic and Tatar traders to "Chloppigrod" [45, p. 57-58, 78]. Traders from Persia, Buhara, Hiva as well as Greek traders had their own privileges while Nogai traders had not a common one but individual traders had their own permission letters [31, p. 194-197]. Traders without a princely permission had no entry to Muscovite lands, as we can read in an instruction letter to the voyevod of Kazan' [31, p. 210].
The next step was to limit the export of strategic goods. This was allowed only with special written permission of the ruler for the official tradesmen, which were in fact diplomats, members of diplomatic missions and foreign rulers. These goods were called as "zapovednye tovary". The lists of such goods were changed sometimes, but such items were, e.g., silver coins, falcons (for hunting), weapons, expensive furs etc. This policy influenced much on the slave trade, because medieval rulers were not concerned about the trade in humans, but when the rulers started to regard the humans as their own resources as tax payers and elements in the production of the realm, they decided to limit the trade and even tried to buy back their subjects from slavery. The export of "baptized nemcy" were totally forbidden and "unbaptized" ones limited by the middle of the 16th century in this connection [9, p. 463, 469-470, 473-475, 489-490, 495496; 47, p. 209-211; 12, p. 69, 75-76, 134-135; 18, p. 292-294].
A difference between "luxury" and "ordinary" slaves may have become clearer with export limits, because the "luxury" cases were rare, expensive and they were part of peaceful ordinary commercial activity, which was possible to control. Such items were qualified in "zapovednye tovary" while kidnapping of "ordinary" cheap slaves for manpower remained as a part of pure criminal activities, which continued among South Russian populations and among the forest populations outside the realm power until the sovereign ruler's territorial power was implemented during the 18th century [9, p. 493-496].
The new administration and the request for the princely permission for the trade created our sources. Therefore the trade in humans became now visible, but we have no reason to believe that it had been only a novelty of the 16th century. For sure Tatar and Persian nobles were interested
in these items earlier and in the documents there is also earlier spoken about trade and gifts, but no specification was needed, because there was no administrative request for such an information and the culture was not literary. The only early literary commercial culture in East Europe was the Italian one, and their book keeping records contain lot of slaves in the Crimean trade from the very beginning in the 13 th century and there is no essential change to the 16th century in this respect [24].
According to number of issued export licences the request for "nemcy" girls and boys was vivid in the trade along Volga, but such a definition "nemcy" is not recorded in the Crimean trade. Persian, Caucasian and Central Asian traders knew to ask them and were very ready to pay big money for them. It is not thinkable that there had been some real cut in this trade between Volga and the Black Sea shores. The commercial connections existed and the traders were working in the same markets. So there was a request for similar kind of slaves in the Crimea, too, but they had most probably another trade mark. Perhaps they were among Russian, Tatar and Circassian blond slaves. One simple reason for this could have been, that the Volga traders need a princely permission for this trade, while in Crimea the authorities had not such a request [24].
It may be even possible that the definition of "nemcy" for slaves was created in the Volga trade only in the 16th century after the Muscovite conquest of Kazan', because this enabled to classify such white slaves, who were not subjects of the Moscow ruler and under his protection. When the definition was even specified with the division between the baptized and non-baptized ones, such slaves were separated from the trade who were newly joined to the realm of the Muscovite ruler. The border of the limits went along the border of tax payers, because only these were important for the ruler. The Baptism was the way to join the Muscovite society. The Baptized people were also tax payers and thus under the protection of the ruler. Thus is was reasonable from the perspective of a prisoner or immigrant to be baptized, because so he was outside the open slave trade and if kidnapped the administration of the Czar tried to buy him free.
This administration building re-oriented the slave trade also other ways. The authorities in the Central Siberian town Tara, for instance, ordered Algacak, Dalan and Cedutaj, envoys of Qalmaq taisa Turgen and Dalaj-Bogatyr', to return all kidnapped taxpayers in 1614. The purchase of non-taxpaying natives of Siberia was still allowed in 1697, however [27, no. 12; 9, p. 469-470, 483-484, 489, 533].
As the Swedish peace delegation was told in 1556, the Livonian Chronicler Balthasar Russow recorded in 1560, the Danish ambassador Jacob Uhlfeldt noted in 1578 and chancellor of Boris Godunov Vasilij Salkovic Solkanov explained to the ambassadors of the King of Swedish-Polish union Sigismund Wasa in 1597, many prisoners were sold direct to the land of Tartars, where the Muscovite regulations and laws were not in
force and therefore the people is impossible to find back. Thus the supply and demand matched perfectly when only the priests had no time to baptize the prisoners and exclude them from the business. In these term the Baptism mattered [33, no. 2, p. 41, 9, p. 104; 4, 49a; 21, p. 203, 207208; 44, p. 141-147]!
E. Conclusions
From the perspective of prisoners and other immigrants an Orthodox Baptism was a security measure that was worth of taking. Besides gaining the protection of the Church, the people became subjects of the ruler, who would not let them to be sold. In the central areas for the slave trade there were even villages of "nemci" where large numbers of newly baptized people were living [36, col. 173-178].
This phenomenon belongs only to the late 16th century. The state formation had created the Baptism as a criterium for the subject of ruler ("a primitive citizenship") and this as a side product the protection against slave trade. From our point of view one should pay attention to:
1) The slave trade of blond (nemci) girls must have been a big issue already early, because the administration building did not of course form the request.
2) Earlier the religion of the trading objects was a concern of the Church but not of the ruler. When the new economic thinking created an idea of realm (state) economy and wealth, the people living in the realm became to means of production and tax payers, i.e., part of the wealth of the ruler and realm. This required to limit their kidnapping away.
3) Because the religion became to be a criterium in state formation it became accidentally also a qualification of slave trade.
4) The traders did not take otherwise care of religious issues in this connection, and therefore the illegal trade may have continued also with baptized persons.
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About the author: Jukka Korpela - Dr. h.c., Head of Department of Geographical and Historical Studies, University of Eastern Finland, Ph.D. (History), Professor (80101, Yliopistokatu 2, Joensuu, Finland); jukka.korpela@uef.fi
КРЕЩЕНЫЕ И НЕКРЕЩЕНЫЕ «НЕМЦЫ» В МОСКОВИТСКОМ ОБЩЕСТВЕ XVI ВЕКА
Юкка Корпела
(Университет Восточной Финляндии)
Восточноевропейская торговля рабами была крупным бизнесом. Он имел древние истоки, и, по крайней мере, начиная с эпохи викингов, тысячи рабов доставлялись ежегодно из Крыма, Казани, Астрахани на рынки Центральной Азии, Малой Азии, Средиземноморского региона и, наконец, даже в Индию. Вероятно, войны XV и XVI веков способствовали увеличению числа северных рабов на рынка Московии и Поволжья.
Рабы, поставляемые на продажу, делились на две основные категории. К первой категории относилась ординарная и дешевая рабочая сила. Вторая категория представляла собой чрезвычайные случаи приобретения товаров роскоши, то есть покупку (белых) рабынь для гаремов знатных родов.
Цель настоящей статьи заключается в том, чтобы осветить разницу между крещенными и некрещеными людьми в контексте работорговли. Ценность данного исследования подчеркивается тем, что исторические источники отчетливо акцентировали внимание на религиозном аспекте работорговли. Поэтому данный феномен требует подробного разъяснения.
Это явление относится только к позднему XVI веку. Становление централизованной государственности вызвало изменение восприятия крещения в качестве критерия подчинения правителю, что неизбежно привело к официальному запрету на торговлю крещенными рабами.
С точки зрения автора, следует обратить внимание на следующие обстоятельства:
1) Работорговля белыми ("немецкими") девушками представляла собой проблему с самого ее появления, поскольку государственная администрация не нуждалась в этом виде товара.
2) Изначально практика работорговли вызывала обеспокоенность у церкви, но не у светских правителей. Но с внедрение нового экономического мышления, разработавшего концепцию государственной экономики и воспринимавшего жителей государства в качестве средств производства и налогоплательщиков; появилась необходимость в ограничении работорговли.
3) Религия стала критерием формирования государственности и подчинения правителю, что неизбежно вызвало изменение в квалификации товаров работорговли.
4) Несмотря на установление ряда ограничений, торговцы не уделяли столь значительного внимания религиозным аспектам работорговли; и, следовательно, они продолжили торговлю крещеными рабами.
Ключевые слова: восточноевропейская работорговля, рынки Московии и Поволжья, «немцы», крещеные и некрещеные рабы, государственная экономика.
Сведения об авторе: Юкка Корпела - почетный доктор, руководитель департамента географических и исторических наук, университет Восточной Финляндии, Ph.D. (история), профессор (80101, Yliopistokatu, 2, Йоэнсуу, Финляндия); jukka.korpela@uef.fi
