CC BY
38
Political science ' PREMIER Austrian Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 5 — 6 (2020)
Publishing
- ISSN 2310-5593 (Print) / ISSN 2519-1209 (Online) -
Political science Политология
UDC: 32.327.7 DOI: 10.29013/AJH-20-5.6-3-10
E. H. KALBIZADA 1
1 The Department of Caucasus Policy of the institute of Caucasus Studies of Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences, Baku city, Azerbaijan
ARMENIAN POLICY OF THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN AFTER1991: GEOPOLITICAL CONDITIONS AND REALITIES
Abstract
Research purpose: Relations with the post-soviet countries, especially with the Caucasus republics became a special aspect of Islamic Republic of Iran's foreign policy, after the collapse of the USSR. The processes around the Islamic Republic of Iran have increased the attention to the foreign policy of this country, its relations with neighboring countries and its strategic goals. This article explores the dynamics of Iran-Armenia relations in the context of regional security.
Research methods: The methodological basis of the research is the principles of the theory of realism. A number of theoretical and applied methods (analysis and synthesis, comparison, group, disaggregation and generalization, historical and logical analysis) have been used to study the development of bilateral relations.
Results: It is known that the Islamic Republic of Iran expected its main threats to its security from its southern and western neighbors. In this sense, the collapse of the USSR has created a new sphere of diplomatic activity for the Islamic Republic of Iran. On the other hand, Iran's loss of influence in this region could pose new security threats to him. Scientific novelty: New forms of the stages of political relations marked out and was characterized. Key words: Iran, Armenia, Caucasus, security, bilateral relations, geopolitics
For citation: Kalbizada E. H. Armenian policy of the islamic Republic of Iran after1991: geopolitical conditions and realities, Austrian Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2020, No.5-6. - P. 3-10. DOI: https://doi.org/10.29013/ AJH-20-5.6-3-10
Introduction
After the collapse of the USSR, relations with the new independent countries, especially the Caucasus republics, became a special focus of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The establishment of relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) was important for Armenia also, which proclaimed independence after collapse of Soviet Union. On December 25, 1991, the recognition of the independence of the Armenian Republic by the Islamic Republic of Iran facilitated the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries [1, p. 43].
A delegation led by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Armenia (RA) Raffi Hovannisyan visited Tehran in February 1992. Two weeks later, a delegation led by the Iranian Foreign Minister Ali Akbar Vilayati visited Yerevan. The first official meetings were held between the parties. The diplomatic relations have stepped into action between the two countries with these visits [2, p. 87].
Analysis of the iRI-RA relations over the period since 1991 shows that there have been no significant conceptual changes in these relations, besides some exceptions. The Republic of Armenia needed to establish ties with the Islamic Republic of Iran for rebuilding its weakened
economy in the post-Soviet period, to gain the support of Muslim countries in the conflict with the Republic of Azerbaijan for the Nagorno-Karabakh region, and to avoid regional isolation. The Islamic Republic of Iran has tried to use the power of the only Christian neighbor — Republic of Armenia and the Armenian diaspora and lobby to weaken the influence ofWestern powers, including the US, and expanded its ties to prevent the strengthening of such states as the United States of America and the State of Israel in Armenia [2, p. 88].
In this context, the position of the Islamic Republic of Iran coincided with the interests and geopolitical plans of the Russian Federation in the Caucasus.
1. Stages of relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Armenia
Researchers distinguish different stages of the relationship in explaining the relationship between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Armenia. In his scientific works Petros G. Tifanny distinguishes two stages: the pre-2002 and the post-2002 period [3, p. 9].
In his book, Vladimir Mesamed, the author of a study on Iran's relations with non-Muslim countries of the Caucasus, did a comprehensive analysis of the relationship between the two countries in various fields, without chronological stages [4]. Iranian researchers I. Koolai and M. Goderzi have analyzed the relations of the Islamic Republic of Iran with the Republic of Armenia from 1991 to the following stages: 1991-1997, 1997-2000 and post-2000 period [5, p. 38-70]. Azerbaijani researches V. Qasimli, Z. Shiriyev, Z. Valiyeva devided the program of these relations between two countries into three stages: I stage — 1991-2001 years, II stage — 2001-2008 years, III stage — post-2008 period [6, p. 11].
H. Jabbarli compared relations between two countries until and after 2000 in his books and articles, dedicated to the foreign relations of the Republic ofArmenia and touched upon the reasons of changes in the relationship [7, p. 153].
Based upon the analyses, relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Armenia can be devided into the stages as follows:
I stage — covering 1991-1997, II stage — covering 1998-2008, III stage — 2008-2018, IV stage — post-2018 phase.
2. Establishing of Relations and Convergence Stage
The first stage from 1991-1997 was the stage of convergence in accordance with geo-political changes and
esablishing of relations. Armenia established its representative office in IRI, in Tehran in December, 1992 and Vahan Baibourtian was assigned to the position of temporary attorney in fact of this country in Iran [8]. The consulate of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the Republic ofArmenia was declared as an embassy in 1994 [9, p. 27]. Hamid Rza Nikkar Esfahani was assigned as the first ambassador of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the Republic of Armenia [10, p. 118].
In this period Republic of Armenia and Republic of Azerbaijan waged war in Nagorno-Karabakh region and surroundings territories. Islamic Conference Organization supported the position of the Republic of Azerbaijan in this conflict which urged Armenia to look for allies from islamic countries. Both the Republic of Armenia and the Islamic Republic of Iran which borders on the Azerbaijani territories occupied by Armenia were aware of the situation in the borders. In the period prior to cease fire reached in 1994 between Republic ofAzerbaijan and Republic of Armenia, Iran made efforts for several times to pacify the situation yet the efforts had no results. Every time after agreements reached by the support of the Islamic Republic of Iran, military campaign restarted as a result of which sustainable peace was not achieved through Iran.
During the period 1991-1997 Iran and Armenia did not go through any political, economical, religious and ethnic conflicts, but some small conflicts occurred. During this period the leaders of the Republic of Armenia and the Republic of Iran estimated all opportunities to strengthen the relations between the two parties and as a result a series of projects were realized in the field of transport and energy. In the given period Armenia paid official visits to Iran eight times (President, Ministers of Foreign Affairs). The same was true for Iran, too. During this period Armenian president paid visit to Iran for two times and Iranian president to Armenia three times. Thus the relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Armenia in the foregoing years can be summarized as follows:
1. Geopolitical processes paved away for convergence of relations between the two countries.
2. The two countries did not take part in the wide range projects implemented in the region which led the states to put forward claims to perform alternative projects.
3. In this period Russia strengthened its control of Armenia which affected the relations between Iran and Armenia.
Political science
Austrian Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 5 - 6 (2020)
4. The attitude ofArmenia to the sanctions on Iran has been defined by the position of Russia. 3. Stage of Interrelated Evolution
The second stage covering 1998-2008 has coincided with the ruling period of Robert Kocharian, the second president of the Republic of Armenia. The researchers call this period "Inter-Related Evolution" in the foreign policy of the Republic of Armenia [9, p. 31-36]. In this stage the Republic ofArmenia tried gradually to develop relations with the USA and the European states along with Russia-Iran partners in the region, yet it could not leave the political spectrum of Russia unambiguously.
In according with the happenings in the region, the Islamic Republic of Iran tried to converge with Armenia. The efforts of Iran in this direction in the stage after 2001 has increased more.
Two factors have impacted on it:
1. The participation ofAzerbaijan against international terrorism together with the USA and to support antiterrorist measures in this direction.
2. After violation of water borders in the Caspian Sea by Iranian vessels launch of military campaigns by Republic of Azerbaijan with Turkey.
Military campaigns and implementation of flightier of Republic ofAzerbaijan together with Turkey over the Caspian Sea caused disagreement of the Islamic Republic of Iran. There have been serious discussions at this diplomatic level. Even the chief of the headquarters of the Community of Independent States Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Islamic Republic of Iran M. Dovlet-abadi reported in an interview with then ambassador of Republic of Azerbaijan to the Islamic Republic of Iran Abbasali Hassanov that the news of Armed Forces of the Republic of Azerbaijan to conduct military trainings with Turkey in the Caspian Sea expressed a keen sensitivity in several military circles of the Islamic Republic of Iran [11, p. 155]. The Iranian side did not hesitate to threaten the Republic of Azerbaijan even with military force, too. Thus after the dissemination of the market information, Dovletabadi informed the ambassador ofAzerbaijan that corps of the Islamic Revolution Guards — Commander of the SEPAH Rahim Safavi was ready to resolve all issues [11, p. 156]. Nevertheless, military unit № 102 of the Russian Federation in Armenia held military trainings together with Armenia. For some reason, Islamic Republic of Iran had nothing to do with these trainings in the border area, and they had not been concerned about it.
At that time, Armenia was trying to determine its relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran in accordance with the American cooperation with the Russian Federation on terrorism. American — Russian rapprochement had a negative impact on Iranian — American relations.
The United States, which has consistently accused Iran of supporting terrorism imposed a serious of sanctions in 2002, accusing Armenia of selling chemical equipment to Iran. These pressures resulted in the repatriation of the Republic of Armenia and began to support the efforts of the USA in the fight against terrorism in order to keep relations with the Western States intact. The Iranian side has shown an interesting approach in response to such actions by the Armenian officials, who often emphasizes the prevailing principles of complementarism in foreign policy. Thus, the ambassador of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Armenia M. Koyelini, addressed the then minister of Foreign Affairs of Armenia Vartan Oskanian: "Do not you think it would be more appropriate to use "multilateral relations" instead of "complementarism" to describe your own policies?" [12].
M. Koyelini stressed that Armenia, supporting American anti-terrorist campaigns, allowed more than 600 american — led flights to Central Asia in its airspace and this situation worries the Islamic Republic of Iran. However, in all cases the Islamic Republic of Iran was trying not to break its ties with Armenia, which had its own geopolitical reason.
4. The convergence stage in the context of new geopolitical threats
The main difference from the previous phase of the third stage of 2008-2018 was that if the rapprochement between 1997 and 2008 mainly served the interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the post — 2008 period, more Armenia would be in favor of intensification of relations. Thus, the military conflict between the Russian Federation and the Georgia in 2008, the Russian Federation's recognition of the "independence" of separatist Abkhazia and South Ossetia regimes had a negative impact on economic and transit relations between Armenia and Russia over Georgia. The railway project to be built between from Yerevan (Armenia) to Soukhumi (Abkhaziya/Georgia) was canceled because of the conflict. Seeing the impossibility of accessing Georgia to world markets, the Republic of Armenia began to work to restore relations with Turkey [13, p. 23-26]. However, the failure ofthese efforts resulted in Armenia's return to the Islamic Republic of Iran as a last resort. Since 2009, agreements have been signed between
the two countries to establish close ties in the fields of energy, agriculture, science and culture. As a result, the trade volume between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Armenia increased to $1 billion in 2010. At that time, Armenia's exports to Iran were 65.1 million euro and Iran's imports were 151 million euro. Iran was the fourth largest country in the Armenian economy [14].
One of the key factors that has been characteristic of this stage, especially since 2010, has been Armenia's political and economic dependence on the Russian Federation and its actions under the dictate of Russia in most of its relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran
5. Invisible Future
Both geopolitical processes, events in Armenia, silence in irreconcilable rapprochement in Iran-Armenia relations allow us to differentiate the post-April 2018 phase as a new stage. Compared to its predecessors, it demonstrates that in this period, Armenia has paid more attention to relations with the Western countries than with the Islam Republic of Iran. One of the key factors affecting relations with Iran is the fact that Nicol Pash-inyan, who become prime minister as a result of "Velvet Revolution" at this stage, seeks to win support from Western countries, including the USA, and makes a number of strategic changes with Russia. The first meeting of N. Pashinyan with the president of the Islam Republic of Iran took place on September 26, 2018 following his appointment to the post of Prime Minister.
The meeting that was held in New York city in connection with the next annual meeting of the UN [15, m. 00.38-11.32], a number of researchers "consider it as a gesture of" Armenia's relationship with Iran under the US control.
It should be recalled that, after Nicol Pashinyan was elected Prime Minister, the president of the Islam Republic of Iran, Hasan Ruhani congratulated and invited him to visit Iran, but Nicol Pashinyan ignored his invitation. The new Prime Minister evaluated the invitation only seven months later.
Nicol Pashinyan's press release in November 2018 also highlighted the importance of American authorization. Pashinyan in this statement said that "Despile the US sanctions, Armenia will try to maintain and elevate relations with the Islamic Republic". While following as an indication of American permission, Nicol Pashinyan said that "USA understands our situation and our policy" [16].
Following the announcement of the government's program in February 2019, steps were taken to revitalize
relations with the Islam Republic of Iran. Because Nicol Pashinyan realized that reducing Russia's influence over the Armenian army and economy is not a simple task. At the time when relations with Russia deteriorated, economic ties with the Islamic Republic of Iran were indispensable.
It should be noted that the Islamic Republic of Iran, which was closely following the developments taking place in Armenia in the post — April 2018 period, was not inclined to increase its ties with this country. It was clear that in such a phase of geopolitical changes, it was more important to strengthen ties with Turkey and the Republic ofAzerbaijan than trading with Republic ofAr-menia on any economic resources. On the other hand, the Islamic Republic of Iran knowing Nicol Pashinyan as an american-backed politician, was not in a hurry to step up and ratify the signed documents on the creation of the Iran-Armenia railway line and border free economic zone, which was considered to be one of the most important projects with Armenia,
It is no coincidence that on February 27, 2019 the new Prime Minister ofArmenia, Nicol Pashinyan visited Iran to discuss the issues with the officials of the Islamic Republic of Iran [17]. During his visit as Prime Minister Nicol Pashinyan met with Supreme Religious leader of Iran Ayatullah Ali Khamenei, president Hasan Rouhani and the speaker of the Parliament of Iran Ali Larijani.
At a meeting with the delegations, it was announced that the president of the Islamic Republic of Iran Hassan Rouhani and the Prime Minister ofArmenia Nicol Pash-inyan had agreed on another project to further enhance energy cooperation between the two countries. Therefore, the construction of the third Iran-Armenia power line will be started for this purpose. The steps to increase bilateral trade, mutual trade in Tehran and Yerevan, the creation of the North-South transport corridor were also discussed at the meeting. The sides also exchanged views on agriculture, information technology, health care, tourism and environmental protection.
At the meeting with the delegation, the views of Nikol Pashinyan on the armenian-azerbaijani Nagono-Karabakh conflict did not differ as those of the previous Armenian leaders. Nikol Pashinyan noted that Armenia appreciates the balanced position of the Islamic Republic of Iran in resolving the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.
At a joint press conference after the meeting, Hassan Rouhani's statement showed that the Islamic Republic of Iran was able to obtain concessions from Armenia on a
Political science
Austrian Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 5 - 6 (2020)
number of issues of interest to the country. Hassan Rou-hani who said that they wanted to develop cooperation in the political, economic, tourism, science, cultural and academic fields between Iran and Armenia expressed their satisfaction with the position that the official Yerevan had on American sanctions and said: "We are determined not to let the third country interfere Iran's relations with Armenia" [18].
The president of the Islamic Republic of Iran said that they had agreed to establish a power line between the Islamic Republic of Iran, Armenia and Georgia and that later the Russian Federation also will join the project, they also were discussing the creation of infrastructure that would connect the Persian Gulf with the Black Sea. Touching on energy relations with Armenia in the end, Hassan Ruhani said that the iranian side has been evaluating the power plant to be built in Armenia and that the Islamic Republic of Iran is ready to export more gas to Armenia.
Armenian Prime Minister Nicol Pashinyan in his speech stated that Armenia could play an important role in relations of Iran with Eurasian Economic Union. Ni-col Pashinyan, cautious about the Hassan Rouhani idea that Iran may increase gas export to Armenia said that this issue was also important in determining pricing and should be discussed [19]. In fact, it was a diplomatic idea that the iranian republic was calling for the avoidance of this cooperation proposal amid tightening trade sanctions imposed by the USA and Western countries on the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Two agreements on economic cooperation between the two countries were signed [18]. One of these documents was the memorandum of understanding between the Ministry of Economic Development and Investment of Armenia and the Institute of Irrigation Standardization and Industrial research, of iRI, the other was a memorandum between the Ministry of Development and Investment ofArmenia and the Supreme Council of Free Trade, Industry and special Economic Zones of IRI.
The number of documents signed between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Armenia, and the essence of the documents show that the Islamic Republic of Iran not fully trusted the new Prime Minister of Armenia.
Later on, Nicol Pashinyan met with the speaker of the parliament of the Islamic Republic of Iran Ali Lari-jani. The meeting was based on traditional views on the development of relations between parliaments of the two countries. The only serious issue discussed between Ni-
col Pashinyan and Ali Larijani was that the parliaments would soon ratify the free trade agreement between the Eurasian Economic Union and the Islamic Republic of Iran [3]. At that time, the chairmanship of the organization was Armenia and it made the Islamic Republic of Iran want to seize this opportunity and accelerate the process.
The Prime Minister of Armenia was also received by Seyed Ali Khamenei, the supreme leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Khamenei said he was aware of Pashinyan's meetings in the Islamic Republic of Iran and stressed the importance of developing economic ties. Nicol Pashinyan informed Seyed Ali Khamenei about "the velvet Revolution in Armenia and called it a People's Revolution". The Supreme Religions Leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran said that he was closely following upon the resolution of the Armenian-Azerbaijan, Nagorno-Karabakh problem. The parties expressed their support for a peaceful and gradual settlement of the conflict [20]. However, this statement of Nicol Pashinyan was not regarded by experts as a genuine peace request. After all, he made different, harsh statements in his country after making such statements at international meetings.
At the end of the first day of the official visit, the Prine Minister of Armenia Nicol Pashinyan, his wife Anna Akopyan and members of the delegation met the representatives of the armenian community in Iran. The meeting was held at Tehran's Ararat Sport and Culture Club. In fact, speaking at the meeting, the Prime Minister of Armenia Nicol Pashinyan, with his underline expressions, also confirmed that the Armeni couldn't get enough support of IRI/ The armenian communities also tried to increase tension between the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Islamic Republic of Iran by taking provocative actions at this meeting. On the other hand, Armenia was well aware that any step taken in Tehran against the Republic of Azerbaijan could increase the social and political tension in the Islamic Republic of Iran where azerbaijanians lived. From this point of view, unable to obtain sufficient support from the Islamic Republic of Iran, Armenia responded to Iran by creating both external and internal problems.
The most important message that Nicol Pashinyan gave in his speech was the idea that their fates were in the West. Pashinyan said: "Our destiny is no longer in the East, in the North and in the South, but in our hands, and as dignified citizens, we must grasp the fate of our destiny, and as a state, we must head for ever new victories" [21].
In fact, it was an interesting underlined message, it was well known that Nicol Pashinyan mount Russia when he said the North and Islamic Republic of Iran when he said the South. Nikol Pashinyan, who emphasized eastern as well, did not generally name the West. In other words, he said that the fate of the Armenians was in the hands ofthe West.
On February 28, 2019 Pashinyan went to a different city, Isfahan, where the armenian com nity muwas more densely populated in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Accompanied by the governor of the city Abbas Rezai, the Prime Minister of Armenia visited the Naqsh-e Jahan Square where a number of spiritual and cultural monuments were located. The Prime minister of Armenia Ni-col Pashinyan and his wife Anna Akopyan visited Imam and Sheikh Lutfullah mosques in the city, Ali-Qapu Palace and Kastabazar-Qeyseruyye [22].
The Prime Minister of Armenia also visited the holy Amenaprkic Monastery in Isfahan where he met with the Armenian patriarch of Isfahan Sipan Kechechiyan. Nicol Pashinyan also met with members of the Armenian community at the Ararat club in Isfahan. He said at this meeting: "Yes, the Bible says that pride is a sin, but I think arrogance is meant there. Pride in modern language is used to describe people with strong legs, a solid backbone, working hands. Proud citizens, proud Armenians of New Julfa, I greet you" [22].
In the meetings with Armenian communities during the prime Minister's visit to the Islamic Republic of Iran the citizens of Islamic Republic of Iran demonstrated its slogans "Karabakh is Armenia. Stop" was met with protest both by the Republic of Azerbaijan and by the Azerbai-janis, who are considered to be largest population in Iran. In this case, the Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman called the events ofthe Armenian Prime Ministers meeting with the Armenian community unpleasant and said Iran did not want to damage its relations with both countries, cause the events between Armenia and Azerbaijan.
However, despite all these steps, the efforts of ties Nicol Pashinyan government to strengthen ties with the western countries have increased the distrustfulness of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards Armenia.
Consequence
Thus, the analysis stages of development of political relations between RA and IRI shows that last years are quite different in comparison with the previous years. It can be stated unequivocally that in the years following the appointment of Nicol Pashinyan as Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia, the relations between the Republic of Armenia and the Islamic Republic of Iran have begun to decline.
Nicol Pashinyan, who has been trying to present himself as a leader supported by US and European countries, has in the early days completely and negatively viewed the Islamic Republic of Iran. Support for the creation of the North-South corridor with the participation of Armenia was also an indication that the Islamic Republic of Iran does not want to lose its authority over Armenia. It should be noted that the purpose of the corridor creation is to create a corridor in the direction of Iran-Georgia-Russia, to carry out import-export operations. In this case, Republic of Azerbaijan is more favorable for IRI. The fact that the Republic of Azerbaijan has a transport infrastructure that connects the Republic ofIran and Russian Federation and Georgia, the still coldness in the relations between Georgia and the Russian Federation, and the fact that the Russian Federation has no warm relations with the Nicol Pashinyan government has made Azerbaijan more valuable. Taking all the above conditions into consideration, the feasibility of the project is questionable.
The research also shows that, despite of the Islamic Republic of Iran's desire to exploit the armenian diaspora's propaganda opportunities, the current policy pursued by Armenia have negative effects on the relations of Iran with other countries and internal policy.
References
1. Hovhannisyan N. The foreign policy of the Republic of Armenia in the Transcaucasian-Middle Eastern Geopolitical Region. - Yerevan: National Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Armenia, Institute of Oriental Studies,1998. - 108 p.
2. Kalbizada E. H., Bakhshieva Y. U., Azimov A. D. Armenia in the Caucasus policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran [Ermanistan Iran Islam Respublikasinin Qafqaz siyasatinda]. - Baku: MTM Innovation,2019. - 360 p.
3. Petros T. Evolution of Armenia's Foreign Policy // Armenian International Policy Research.2003. Working Paper - No. 03/13. - P. 1-17.
4. Mesamed V. Iran and non-Muslim countries of the South Caucasus (Armenia and Georgia). [Iran i nemusilman-skie strani Yujnoqo Kavkaza (Armeniya i Qruizya)]. - Moscow, 2015. - 254 p.
Political science ' PREMIER Austrian Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 5 — 6 (2020)
Publishing
- ISSN 2310-5593 (Print) / ISSN 2519-1209 (Online) -
5. Koolai I., Goderzi M. The Impact of Developments in Armenian-Turkish Relations on Armenian-Iranian Relations // Geopolitics Quarterly.2014. - Issue 1, Spring. - P. 38-70. (In Persian).
6. Gasimli V., Shiriyeva Z., Valiyev Z. Iran-Armenia relations: political claims versus geopolitical reality. [iran-Ermanistan munasibatlari: geosiyasi realliq versus, siyasi iddialar]. - Baku: SAM,2011. - 47 p.
7. Jabbarli H. Foreign policy of Armenia // ^ankiri Karatekin University International Eurasian Strategy Jour-nal.2002. - No. 10(10). - P. 147-174. (In Turkish).
8. Bilateral Relations. islamic Republic of iran. [Internet] - mfa.am 2018. Available from: URL: http://www.mfa. am/en/bilateral-relations/ir
9. Talibli S. A. Armenia in the Caucasus policy of Iran (1991 -2006) // "Baku-Tabriz" World Azerbaijanis Jour-nal.2007. - No. 10. - P. 31-36. (In Azerbaijanian).
10. Talibli S. A. The Nagorno-Karabakh problem in the Caucasus policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran (1991-2005) [iran islam Respublikasinin Qafqaz siyasatinda Dagliq Qarabag problemi (1991-2005-ci illar)]. - Baku: Science and Education.2016. - 359 p.
11. The records interview with Head of relations with CIS of MFA IRI / / Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Azerbaijan (ARXiNA). Documents containing information from various organizations (08.08.2001-12.09.2001) International Law Enforcement Office. (In Azerbaijanian).
12. Armenia: Westward Foreign-Policy Shift Brings Unease in Iran.- [Internet] - eurasianet.org 2002. [Accesed: 26.11.2018]. Acces by link: URL: https://eurasianet.org/armenia-westward-foreign-policy-shift-brings-unease-in-iran
13. Gorgulu A. Turkey-Armenia relations is a vicious cycle. [Turkiye-Ermenistan ili§kileri bir kisir dongu.] - Istanbul: Tesev Publications,2008. - 44 p.
14. Trade.ec.europa.eu (2006) Directorate General for Trade of the European Commission. Bilateral relations statistics, Armenia.- [Internet] - trade.ec 2006. [Accesed: 29.11.2019]. Acces by link: URL: http://trade.ec.europa. eu/doclib/docs/2006/september/tradoc_113345.pdf
15. Armenian news: breaking news. [Internet] - youtube.com 2018. [Accesed: 26.11.2018]. Access by link: URL: http:www.youtube.com/watch?v=S35vK-uO9iM [00:38-01:32].
16. Pashinyan Rules Out Change In Armenia's Policy On Iran.- [Internet] - asbarez.com 2018. [Accesed: 11.02.2019]. Acces by link: URL: http://asbarez.com/176289/pashinyan-rules-out-change-in-armenias-policy-on-iran
17. High expectations from the secret agenda: with what will Pashinyan return from Iran. [Internet] -ru.armeniasputnik.am 2019. [Accesed: 04.04.2019]. Access by link: URL: https://ru.armeniasputnik.am/poli-tics/20190219/17378689/bolshie-ozhidaniya-ot-sekretnoj-povestki-s-chem-pashinyan-vernetsya-iz-irana.html. (In Russian).
18. Iranian President Hasan Rouhani has met with Pashinyan. [Internet].- TRT.net 2019. [updated 2019 February 27]. Avible from: URL: www.trt.net.tr/azerbaycan/bolg-x-b-rl-ri/2019/02/27/iran-prezidenti-h-s-n-ruhani-pasinyan-il-gorusub-1153813. (In Azerbaijanian).
19. Nikol Pashinyan - Hassan Rouhani Joint Statement. [Internet] - Primeminister.am 2019. [updated 27.02.2019], Aviable from: URL: http:www.primeminister.am/hy/press-release/item/2019/02/27/Nikol-Pashinyan-Hassan-Rouhani-Joint-Statement/ (In Armenian).
20. Nikol Pashinyan hosted by Supreme Leader of Islamic Revolution Ayatollah Seyed Ali Khamenei. [Internet] -Primeminister.am - 2019. [updated 27.02.2019], Aviable from: URL: http:www.primeminister.am/en/press-release/item/2019/02/27/Nikol-Pashinyan-meeting-with-Ali-Khamenei
21. "We no longer have separate agendas for Armenia and the Diaspora: we have a national agenda aimed at achieving national goals" - Nikol Pashinyan meets with Armenian community representatives in Iran. [Internet] - Primeminister.am 2019. [updated: 27.02.2019], Aviable from: www.primeminister.am/hy/press-release/item/2019/02/27/ Nikol-Pashinyan-meets-with-Armenian-community (in Armenian).
22. "The revolution in the Armenian people's historical destiny must come around under the slogan "We are the master of our destiny" - Nikol Pashinyan meets with Armenian community representatives in Isfahan. [Internet] - Primeminister.am - 2019. [updated: 28.02.2019]. Aviable from: URL: http:www.primeminister.am/hy/ press-release/item/2019/02/28/Nikol-Pashinyan-meets-Isfahan-Armenian-community/. (In Armenian).
Austrian Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 5-6 (2020) ' PREMIER Political science
Publishing
- ISSN 2310-5593 (Print) / ISSN 2519-1209 (Online) -
Information about the authors
Kalbizada Elnur Hashim, PhD on history, Associate professor, The head of th Department of Caucasus Policy of the Institute of Caucasus Studies of Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences
Address: Republic of Azerbajan, Baku, Huseyn Cavid ave., 117, The city of Academia, IV floor, Otaq 442, AZ1073, E-mail: kelbizadeh@gmail.com; tel.: +994(556)98-68-45 ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5870-034X
