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D01:10.30842/ielcp230690152532
M. N. Kazanskaya (Institute for Linguistic Studies, RAS, St. Petersburg)
BA0YnEnAOE EAENH AND ZYPIZOYZA... ЛОГХН: on two 'Homeric' quotations in Servius (ad Aen. 7, 275 and 12, 691)
Although Servius' commentary to the Aeneid gives a fairly large number of quotations from Greek poetry, his reputation as a Greek scholar has been more than uneven. Despite occasional inaccuracies and inconsistencies in Servius' treatment of Greek material, however, his commentary preserves invaluable pieces of Greek and Roman exegesis on Homer and Vergil, and even passages that appear at first glance to cite an erroneous parallel should not be discarded without further research. The article presents two case studies involving a supposedly Homeric expression, although neither is found in the Homeric text as we know it. (a) BaOunsnAo; 'EAevn appears in Serv. ad Aen. 7, 275 as a parallel to Vergil's in praesepibus altis. The epithet PaOunsnAoc; is not attested in Homer, nor in Greek poetry, except Quint. Smyrn. 13, 552. While scholars and editors explained this expression as a misquotation of rnvunenAo; EXsvn (Il. 3, 228; Od. 4, 305; 15, 171), a look at Homeric exegesis and at the lexicographical tradition shows that PaOunsnAoc; was actively discussed by ancient scholars: there are traces that in Antiquity it must have been a varia lectio for PaOuKoAnrov at Il. 18, 122, and Serv. ad Aen. 7, 275 suggests that it also may be reconstructed as a varia lectio for Helen's description as xavonsnAoc;. (b) Serv. ad Aen. 12, 691 preserves a hexametric fragment that is ascribed to Homer, but bears a distinctive Hellenistic colouring. It is shown that the text of the notice must have contained two quotations, not only the fragment that is preserved, but also o'iaxrov xs poiZov (Il. 16, 361) which is actually an accurate parallel for Vergil's striduntque hastilibus aurae.
Key words: Vergil, Homer, Servius, PaOunsnAo;, compound epithets, Alexandrian scholarship, lost Homeric readings, intertextuality.
М. Н. Казанская (Институт лингвистических исследований РАН)
ВаВ^ягяХо^ 'EXgvq и aupiZouaa... Хоухп: 0 ДВУХ 'гомеровских' цитатах у Сервия (ad Aen. 7, 275 и 12, 691)
Комментарий Сервия к Энеиде содержит немало цитат из греческой поэзии, однако репутация Сервия как знатока греческого языка была и остается неоднозначной. Часть греческого материала приводится и интерпретируется неаккуратно, но при этом комментарий отражает многовековую филологическую традицию, как римскую, так
и греческую. Это заставляет относиться с вниманием даже к тем параллелям, которые на первый взгляд могут показаться «ошибками».
В статье разбираются два греческих выражения, которые в комментарии Сервия приписываются Гомеру, но не засвидетельствованы в дошедшем до нас тексте гомеровских поэм.
(a) BaOtinsnAo; EAsvn приводится в комментарии Serv. ad Aen. 7, 275 в качестве стилистической параллели к вергилиевскому in praesepibus altis. Эпитет PaOtinsnAo; не засвидетельствован ни у Гомера, ни в греческой поэзии, за исключением Quint. Smyrn. 13, 552. Исследователи и издатели считали это выражение ошибкой вместо rnvonsnAo; EXevn (Il. 3, 228; Od. 4, 305; 15, 171), однако комментарии к Гомеру и греческая лексикографическая традиция показывает, что вариант PaOtinsnAo; активно обсуждался античными филологами и критиками гомеровского текста: сохранились следы того, что в античности данный эпитет выступал в качестве варианта к PaOuKoAnrov в Il. 18, 122, а замечание Сервия заставляет предполагать подобное разночтение и для mvonsnAo; при описании Елены.
(b) В Serv. ad Aen. 12, 691 приводится фрагмент гекзаметра, который приписан Гомеру, но отличается явным эллинистическим колоритом. В статье показано, что комментарий Сервия исходно должен был содержать две цитаты — сохранившийся фрагмент эллинистической поэзии и o'iaxrov те poi^ov (Il. 16, 361), который действительно представляет собой хорошую параллель к вергилиевскому striduntque hastilibus aurae.
Ключевые слова: Вергилий, Гомер, Сервий, PaOtinsnAo;, двусоставные эпитеты, александрийские филологи, гомеровские разночтения, интертекстуальность.
Servius has enjoyed a very uneven reputation as a Greek scholar, and especially in the last decades especially his first-hand knowledge of Greek sources and even his competence have been called into question1. This is partly due to the poor textual transmission of the Greek quotations in his text, partly to the briefness and occasional inconsistency with which some of the issues involving Greek material are treated, but also to the fact that Servius, for pedagogical reasons, in many cases deliberately chose not to include Greek parallels in his commentary, unless absolutely necessary for the discussion2. However, Servius' commentary does preserve a large number of valuable Greek parallels, whether acquired first-
1 See Cameron 2011: 533; Racine 2015: 53-55, who states bluntly: "We should then minimize the extent of Servius' <Greek> culture acquired at first hand".
For a full discussion, see Kazanskaya 2021 (in print).
hand or taken from the previous scholarly tradition, and even passages that may appear, at first glance, as errors often contain genuine and important material. This article presents two case studies of Servian "errors" which are not in fact errors at all.
Serv. ad Aen. 7, 275
In his note on Vergil's description of king Latinus' impressive harras of horses, stabant ter centum nitidi in praesepibus altis "three hundred of <these horses> stood gleaming in high stalls" (Aen. 7, 275), Servius comments on the poetic practice of characterizing a person (or, in this case, an animal) by an epithet that describes a material object associated with that person, thus — in a kind of metonymy or synecdoche — evoking a quality of the person in question:
in praesepibvs altis multa non propter se, sed propter aliud dicuntur: nam per praesepia alta equorum magnitudo monstratur, ut Homerus PaOtinenAoc; 'EAevn, id est longas per vestes.
ba®ynenaoc aenh A baoytetaocceaemt R baynena eoc ceaenti L baoynetiocceanti H baoynenacceaenii M baoynenaoceaenc F
«in praesepibvs altis: many things are said not for their own sake, but for the sake of something else: for through the height of the stalls, the height of the horses is shown, as Homer PaOtinenAo; EAevn 'Helen of the deep garment', i.e. through <her> long garments" (Serv. ad Aen. 7, 275).
The phenomenon Servius describes in this entry is indeed well attested (in particular, for women's epithets in Homer3), and was discussed by ancient critics. The Greek parallel quoted by Servius, ut Homerus PaBurcsrcAoi; 'EAsvn, shows that he was taking as his starting point the philological discussion surrounding the use of
л
See, especially, Wackernagel 1934: 195: "In der Tat kann man sagen, daß, wenn Homer durch ein rühmendes Epitheton die Schönheit einer bestimmten Göttin oder menschlichen Frau hervorheben will, er lieber ein Kompositum setzt, wodurch ihr der Besitz eines schönen Körperteils oder Gewandstücks u.dgl. zugeschrieben wird, als daß er sie einfach als каА^ bezeichnete". This stylistic phenomenon was fully recognized by the ancient critics, cf. e.g. raAAiZrovov ало pspouc; (Hsch. к 443); [apyupo-пе^а] апо pspou; öAn каА^ (schol. Gen. ad II. 1, 538; cf. schol. D ad II. 1, 538); AsuKroAsvo; AsuKÖnnxu;. апо pspou; öAn asuk^ каг каА^... (Hsch. А 745); etc. Obviously, in the interpretation of compound epithets of this kind, the part of body or of attire highlighted by the epithet may be significant, evoking its own set of associations.
compound epithets to characterize a woman's overall appearance by emphasizing a single detail (although his application of the same principle to the line on Latinus' horses seems fairly innovative). The choice of the epithet PaBnnsnAo^ as the Homeric parallel for Vergil's in praesepibus altis fit the logic of Servius' argumentation in this passage remarkably well (due to its polysemy, Latin altus would correspond equally well to Pa0u- and aircu- compounds).
However, any attempt to discover the expression PaBnnsnAo^ 'EAsvn in Homer proves disappointing: indeed, the epithet PaBnnsnAo^ is not attested in the Homeric poems, or in the archaic literature for that matter; it does not appear as a variant reading in the manuscripts and is not included in the major dictionaries of epic poetry, and the LSJ mentions a single usage in Quintus Smyrnaeus (13, 552; this passage will be studied later)4. Helen in Homeric poems is, however, characterized thrice by a similar epithet, xavnnsnAo^ "with garments stretched, i.e. thin and long" (1l. 3, 228; Od. 4, 305; 15, 171). Given the complex — and shifting — semantics of xavnnsnAo^5, it would be possible to assume that by late Antiquity the first root of the compound may have been replaced by the simpler synonym Pa0u- (either by Servius or his source), or else that PaBnnsnAo^ might be a contamination of xavnnsnAo^ and one of the Pa0u- compounds, such as PaBnKoAno^, probably due to Servius' lapsus memoriae6.
4 See LSJ 1996, 301 s.v. PaOtinenAoc;. The compound is not mentioned by Chantraine (1968-1977), and is absent from LfgrE.
5 Chantraine translates xavtinenAoc; "a la robe longue" (Chantraine 19681977, 1091 s.v. xavu-) and "aux longs voiles" (ibid. 883 s.v. nenAo;); LSJ gives the translation "with flowing robe" (LSJ 1996: 1755 s.v. xavtinenAoc;). Risch 1974, 190 thought that xavtinenAoc; was created at the stage where the first element of the compound began to be associated with xavti© and no longer with the original adverbial element (that he reconstructs as *xavtic;), but Frisk rightly stresses that for this compound the absolute separation of two meanings is impossible (Frisk 1960, 853, s.v. xavu-). For a concise and accurate summary of the semantics of xavtinenAoc; in the Homeric poems, see A. Hoekstra: "xavtinenAoc;: must originally have meant 'with thin robe' [...], but was perhaps taken as 'with flowing robe' by the poet and his listeners, because in such compounds xavu- became associated with xavti©" (Heubeck, Hoekstra 1989, 242 ad Od. 15, 171). See also Edmunds 2019, 73.
6 Thus suggested by Friedrich Schoell to Georg Thilo: "Servium autem xavtinenAo; cum PaOtiKoAnoc; confudisse" (Thilo 1883-1884: II.2, iv). Apparently for similar reasons PaOtinenAoc; 'EAevn does not appear in the
Nevertheless, a closer look at the philological tradition shows that PaBurcsrcAo<; is actually well represented in lexicographers and the commentaries; even more importantly, in all the scholarly contexts where it is cited PaBurcsrcAo<; is definitely associated with Homer. Thus, the epithet appears in three passages in Eustathius' commentary on the Homeric poems. The first time it is cited in a series of compound epithets applied to women and evoking nsnAo^ that are meant to illustrate the fact that nsnAo^ was a strictly women's garment (just as xitwv was men's): ro^ Kai ai PaBunsnAoi Kai KaAAinsnAoi oqAo'Doi Kai q KpoKonsnAo^ Kai to «rcsrcAoioiv ¿Krcovsi» nap' EtipirclSq, "as is shown by '[women] of deep peploses', and '[women] of beautiful peploses', and 'she of the saffron peplos', and the expression 'decks her out with peploses' in Euripides" (Eustath. ad II. 2, 42 = vol. 1, p. 261 van der Valk). In this series, the epithet KaAAlnsnAo^ had been used by Pindar and Euripides (Pind. Pyth. 3, 25; Eur. Tr. 338), and KpoKonsnAo^ was used already by Homer of Eos (Il. 8, 1; 19, 1; 23, 222; 24, 695); the last expression rcsrcAoioiv ¿Krcovsi is well suited to Eustathius' argumentation, as Hippolytus had used it in his diatribe against women to describe how the husband is continuously forced to acquire costly garments for his wife (Eur. Hipp. 632). The epithet PaBunsnAo^ (used in the plural form, and obviously referring to a context where it had been used to qualify a group of women) is the only epithet in the series that cannot be traced back to a poetic context. In another passage, Eustathius gives another series of epithets applied to women: to §8 «suZrovo^» yuvaiKo^ snlBsTov, KaBa Kai to PaBunsnAo^ Kai PaBuZrovo<; Kai TavunsnAo^, "suZrovot; 'with a good girdle' is a woman's epithet, the same as PaBunsnAo^ 'with a deep peplos', and PaBuZrovo^ 'with a deep girdle' and TavunsnAo^ 'with a peplos stretched long' " (Eustath. ad Il. 9, 590 = vol. 2, p. 813 van der Valk). All compounds of this series are attested in Homer, except, once again, PaBunsnAo^7; it is also worth
section 'Homerus' in Malcolm Davies' Epicorum Graecorum fragmenta (Davies 1988: 105-112; cf. Davies' prefatory remark to the section: "monendum est maiorem partem istorum fragmentorum quae sequuntur errore, lapsu memoriae, ludibrio vel sim. ortam esse. quae de 'Homero' dixerunt Dio Chrys. 52.4 [...] consulto omisi"). The assumption is actually an old one: already Robert Estienne in his edition of Vergil with Servius' notes simply replaced the transmitted PaOtinenAoc; with TavurcercAoq.
7 The epithet euZ©vo^ appears in II. 1, 429; 6, 467; 9, 366; 9, 590; 9, 667; 23, 261; 23, 760; PaOo^rovo^ appears in Il. 9, 594; Od. 3, 154; cf. Hes. fr. 205 Merkelbach-West; besides the three contexts, where TavonenAo^ is
noting that here PaBurcsrcAo<; appears side by side with xavurcsrcAo<;, as an independently existing compound. Finally, in the note on Od. 1, 121, PaBurcsrcAo<; is discussed together with sAKsoircsrcAo<;:
to p,evxoi x©v yovaiKrov ¿AKeainenAov, ai; o nenAoc; ev x© PaSi^eiv e^eAKexai 5ia to PaOu xou ipmiapoo, ei'n av KA^po; xoi; 'IxaAoi; ¿k xou TproiKou Aiveiou. 'EAAnvi; yap yov^, owe PaOtinenAoc;, owe ¿AKeainenAoc; nap' O^np© eopnxai, "however, women's trait of ¿AKeainenAov 'with training peplos', whose peplos as they walk trails on the ground because of the deepness of their dress, would have been inherited by inhabitants of Italy from the Trojan Aeneas. For in Homer no Greek woman is called either PaOunenAo; 'with peplos flowing in a deep fold' or ¿AKeainenAo; 'with a training peplos' " (Eustath. ad Od. 1, 121 = vol. 1, p. 31 Stallbaum).
The epithet sAKsoircsrcAo<; is attested three times in the Iliad in the formular antithesis Tproa^ Kai Tproa§a^ sAKsotnsnAou^ (Il. 6, 442 = 22, 105; the two accusatives are separated by the verb in 7, 297), and once in Hesiod's Catalogue of women, of Theban women (KaS^n'i^s^ sAKsoins[nAoi, fr. 193, 2). On the whole, it seems reflect a stereotypical depiction of the inhabitants of Asia Minor already current in the archaic age, as the Ionians (remarkably, not only women, but men as well) are characterized by a similar compound evoking training garments, laovs^ sAKsxixwvs^ (Il. 13, 685; cf. hHom.Ap. 147) . It is important to stress, however, that none of these usages of sAKsoinsnAo^ and sAKsxitwv carries any pejorative connotations, both epithets simply emphasizing a difference in dress. However, ancient scholars viewed sAKsoinsnAo^, and as we know from other sources, PaBnKoAno^, as restricted to barbarian women (seemingly, with the idea that they did not arrange their garments with the same neatness as Greek women), and the last phrase in Eustathius' note refers to this interpretation of sAKsoi-nsnAo^ (and, by extension, also of PaBnnsnAo^). In particular, we know from the scholia that Aristarchus criticized Zenodotus' conjecture at Il. 2, 484, replacing Monoai 'OAn^rcia Sro^ax' s^ouoai
applied to Helen, it appears in II. 18, 385 = 18, 424 (of Thetis), Od. 12, 375 (of Lampetie), Od. 15, 363 (of Ctimene).
8 On ¿AKeainenAoc; and eAKexixrov, see Kirk 1990, 220 ad Il. 6, 441-3 and Janko 1992: 133 ad Il. 13, 685-8 who evokes the mention of this idiosyncrasy in dress in Asius (fr. 13) and Thucydides (1, 6, 3). It is tempting to connect it also with Sappho's scathing remark about a woman who does not know how to arrange her dress neatly at the ankles (Sapph. fr. 57 Voigt).
with Mouoat 'OAu^rctaSsf; PaBuKoAnot9 on the grounds that in Homeric epics PaBuKoArco<; is applied exclusively to Barbarian women, and that the poet thus would never have applied such an epithet to the Muses10:
<AapSaviSe;> PaOtiKoAnoi: otiSenoxe xa; EAAnviSa; PaOuKoAnou;
n©; otiv ZnvoSoxo; ypa^ei „eanexe vov poi Mouaai OAupniaSec; PaOtiKoAnoi"; "Dardanian women with gowns flowing to the ground in a deep fold: nowhere does <Homer> say of Greek women PaOtiKoAnoi. So how could Zenodotus write, 'sing now to me, Muses, daughters of Olympus, with garment flowing to the ground in a deep fold'?" (schol. T ad Il. 18, 339, Aristonicus). 'OAtipnia Sropax' exouaai: oxi ZnvoSoxo; ypa^ei „'OAupniaSec; PaOtiKoAnoi". otiSenoxe Se xa; 'EAAnviSa; yuvaiKa; PaOuKoAnou; eipnKev, ©axe otiSe xa; Motiaa;, "it is noted that Zenodotus writes: '<Muses>, daughters of Olympus, with garments flowing to the ground in a deep fold'. Nowhere did <Homer> call Greek women PaOtiKoAnoi, consequently, he would not call Muses so" (schol. A ad Il. 2, 484, Aristonicus).
Tpro'iaSrov PaOuKoAnrov: npo; xou; ypa^ovxa; „eanexe vov poi, Mouaai OAupniaSe; PaOtiKoAnoi", oxi eni PapPaprov xo eniOexov xiOnaiv, "Dardanian women with gowns flowing to the ground in a deep fold: nowhere does <Homer> say of Greek women PaOtiKoAnoi. So how could Zenodotus write, 'sing now to me,
9 Curiously, modern scholars focus on Aristarchus disapproval of Zenodotus' reading (cf. Lehrs 1882: 111-112; Nunlist 2009: 304; Schironi 2018: 333), but do not attempt to reconstruct the reasoning behind it. In favouring Mouaai OAupniaSe; PaOtiKoAnoi Zenodotus seems to have felt that OAtipnia Sropax' exouaai was at odds with the Muses' association with Mount Helicon: he thus preferred to replace it with OAupniaSe;, Hesiod's epithet for the Muses that highlights their bond with Zeus (Theog. 25 and 52; on OAupniaSe;, see West 1966: 152 ad Theog. 3-4). The epithet PaOtiKoAnoi was added to fill the end of the verse, and its choice was not random, but based on a poetic authority — Pindar called Muses PaOtiKoAnoi (ap^i xe AaxoiSa ao^ia PaOuKoAnrov xe Moiaav, Pyth. 1, 12). For the association with Pindar's use of PaOtiKoAnoi, cf. Nickau 1977, 36 who views Pyth. 1, 12 as a parallel, not as Zenodotus' source.
10 Lehrs 1882: 112 notes not only strengths, but also the weaknesses of Aristarchus' argumentation: "Subtilis observatio, quamquam fortasse ad rem expediendam non satis firma: nam praeter hos duos locos et praeterea unum (2 122) Kai xiva Tpro'iaSrov Kai AapSaviSrov PaOuKoAnrov sane non reperitur in Homericis. Sed iam in hymnis promiscue haberi nihil valet contra Aristarchum. Ven. 257 vtip^ai piv Opeyouaiv opeaKrooi PaOtiKoAnoi".
Muses, daughters of Olympus, with garments flowing to the ground in a deep fold'?" (schol. A ad Il. 24, 215b).
The resemblance in wording is a clear indication that all three scholia go back to the same philological discussion and to Aristarchus' authority. In view of this interpretation, Eustathius' 'EAAnvi; yap yuv^, outs PaBurcsrcAo<;, outs ¿AKsoircsrcAo<; nap' O^qpro supnTai, totally in line with the scholia cited, reflects a different aspect of the same discussion and shows that PaBurcsrcAo<; appeared on par with ¿AKsoinsnAo^ and PaBuKoAno^ as a compound that, according to the Aristarchian school, could only be applied to Barbarian women. Incidentally, TavunsnAo^ would have been excluded from the discussion, as in Homer it is used to characterize Helen, and some of feminine deities.
An associated, but slightly different scholarly context in which PaBunsnAo^ appeared can be reconstructed from the lexicographers and dates to I cent. BC at the latest. Apollonius Sophista in his Homeric Lexicon summarizes the discussion of PaBunsnAo^ by Apion:
PaOunenArov o 'Anirov KaArov. to awo anpaivei Kai PaOuZravrov Kai PaOuKoAnrov ^aivecai yap ¿k t©v Toiowrov eniOeTrov a^a p,ev Ta peyeOn t©v aropmrov, apa 5e to aepvov t^c; nepiaToAfl^- ^aivovTai yap pexpi t©v a^uprov KaAurccopevai, oOev Kai ¿AKeainenAoi AeyovTai Kai PaOuZrovoi "PaOunenArov: Apion 'beautiful'. It denotes the same as PaOuZravrov Kai PaOuKoAnrov: for from such epithets transpires at the same time the height of the bodies and the solemnity of the attire. They appear to be draped to their ankles, thence they are also called ¿AKeainenAoi 'training their peplos' and PaOuZrovoi 'with deep girdles' " (Ap. Soph. Lex. Hom. p. 50, s.v. PaOunenArov = Apion 28 Neitzel).
Apion of Alexandria, cited in this entry, was one of the best known and extremely controversial figures among the Homeric scholars of the time; his Ac^sk; O^npiKai was an important source for Apollonius Sophista, who includes a large number of his interpretations in his own Lexicon11. As the structure of Apollonius' entry shows, Apion viewed PaBunsnAo^ as a Homeric epithet meriting an independent discussion: in particular, the form of genitive plural used in the rubric, PaBurcsrcArov, clearly shows that the epithet was taken from a poetic context, and seeing that
11 On Apion, his biography and reputation, see especially Damon 2008; Neitzel 1977: 289-190. On Apion in Apollonius Sophista, see Damon 2008: 338; Neitzel 1977: 207-209; Haslam 1994: 269ff.
Apollonius Sophista's lexicon specialized in Homer, it appears that both for Apion and for Apollonius who quotes him PaBunsnArov was indeed a Homeric reading12. Apion's interpretation is summarized in the first phrase (o 'Anirov KaArov) and expanded on in the rest of the notice. He seems to have applied the exegetical principle that a compound epithet should not be taken as a mere indication of the one detail that it highlights, but must refer, in a kind of pars pro toto, to one or several qualities of the person thus qualified (on this principle, see n.1): thus, PaBurcsrcAo<; would imply that the women thus characterized were tall (xa ^sysBq xrov oro^axrov), and also to the general solemnity of their attire13. This also allowed him to view PaBurcsrcAo<; as equivalent to PaBu^rovo^ and PaBuKoAno^ (as highlighting parts of garment, whereas PaBunsnAo^ refers to the gown as a whole), and to compare it with ¿AKsoinsnAo^. Apollonius' entry (in the form in which it is preserved) does not quote the Homeric context in which the form PaBunsnArov appeared; however, the phrase ^aivovxat yap xrov o^uprov KaAurcxo^svat seems to refer to a specific set of women, and the addition oBsv Kai ¿AKsoinsnAot Asyovxat Kai PaBu^rovot suggests that this part of the entry reflects the same scholarly tradition as Eustath. ad Od. 1, 121 = vol. 1, 31 Stallbaum.
This gloss enjoyed a fairly rich afterlife in lexicography due, primarily, to the authority of Apollonius' Lexicon Homericum 4. The closest, both chronologically and in the wording of the overall interpretation, is Hesychius' entry: PaBunsnArov KaAa i^axta s^ouorov, "PaBunsnArov: having beautiful garments" (Hsch. P 64 Latte), where KaAa i^axta s^ouorov seems to reflect KaArov from
12 Pace Neitzel 1997: 228 (ad Apion 28 ßaöunenArov) who supposes an error due to conflation of other Homeric compounds: "Möglicherweise lag bei [Apollonios Sophista] eine Vermengung der beiden homerischen Wörter eunenAoç (Z 372) und ßaOÜKoAn^ vor".
13 We find the same idea in the scholia on the meaning of xavûnenAoç (see schol. BEQ ad Od. 4, 305 Pontani; cf. Apoll. Soph. s.v. xavunenAoç). Building on these ancient interpretations, L. Edmunds has recently argued that xavûnenAoç was used by Homer to highlight the impressiveness of Helen's public appearances (Edmunds 2019: 73-74).
14 Cf. Haslam 1994: 107 who compares the impact of Apollonius' Lexicon Homericum on the ancient lexicographical tradition to the importance of Ebeling, Authenrief, LSJ or of Lexikon des frühgriechischen Epos for modern students of Homeric language.
Apollonius' entry15. Other lexica, on the other hand, preferred to retain the idea that PaBurcsrcAof; emphasized the women's tall stature, without reproducing Apion's argumentation in full: PaBunsnArov ^syaArov, sk xou rcapaKoAouBowro<; "PaBunsnArov: great, by implication" (Suda P 36 Adler = Lex. Seguer. p. 178 Bachmann, s.v. PaBunsnArov); cf. PaBunsnArov ^syaArov, sk jxrov rcapaKoAouBowrrovj, "PaBunsnArov: great, from accompanying properties" (Phot. Lex. 24 Theodoridis) and PaBunsnArov ^syaArov (Cyr. Lex. 63, 14 Drachmann). Except the latter entry, the simple gloss ^syaArov is followed by the explanation sk xou napa-KoAouBouvxo^ "judging from attendant property"16. Remarkably, these lexica retained the genitive plural form PaBunsnArov for their rubric, despite the fact that they no longer specialized solely in the language of Homer, and that PaBurcsrcAoc could be illustrated by
1 -7
references to other poets : this is clear indication of the entry's derivation from Apion and Apollonius Sophista. Finally, in a strike of good luck, Zonarae Lexicon (xii-xiii cent.) in an entry where the wording and the form of the rubric show that it goes back to the same tradition, seems to preserve traces of the quotation of the original context where PaBunsnArov appeared:
15 This resemblance is noted by Latte (1953, I: 306); Neitzel 1977: 228 (ad Apion 28 ßaOunenArov) suggests that Hesychius might be rendering Apion's exact formulation, while Apollonius Sophista had simplified it: "[die Erklärung Apions] muß ursprünglich ähnlich oder ebenso wie bei Hsch. gelautet haben".
16 For other examples of this type of logical deductions concerning accompanying properties, see Hsch. e 980; k 4737; a 336; x 129; Suda a 3019; t 384; t 772; Zon. Lex. p. 1246 (s.v. Koviaouaiv). In the entries above we chose to translate ¿k tou napaKoAouOouvToc; as "by implication".
17 In the Suda lexicon, for example, the compound ßaöunenAo; also appears in a quotation in the entry etipapeia: Etipapeia: ^ etiKoAia. Aeyeuai 5e Kai ^ etiKoapia napa MapK© AvT©viv®. Kai ¿v 'Eniypappaav oti ßaöunenAo; eupapi; (Sud. e 3574 Adler; cf. Zon. Lex. p. 909: Etipapeia. ^ etiKoAia. AeyeTai Kai ^ etiKoapia. oti ßaöunenAo; eupapi;. Kai ^ ^auxia. HpoSoTo;. touto ^uyn; t© Avvißa nAeiova etipapeiav napeaxev). The epigrammatic quotation oti ßaöunenAo; eupapi; seems to be a misquoted expression from Antipater of Sidon's epigram on the actress Hipparchia, oti ßaöuneApo; eupapi; "not the thick-soled [Asiatic] shoe" (A.P. 7, 413, 3-4; neither Adler 457 ad e 3574, nor Schironi 2002, 232 note the difference in the epithet), its appearance in this entry being due to a confusion in the lexicographical tradition of the nouns eupapi; and etipapeia.
BaOunsnArov. psyaArov, sk tou napaKoAouOowco;. Ka! yuvaiKrov PaOunsnArov, "PaOunsnArov: great, by implication; and women with garments falling in deep folds'' (Zon. Lex. p. 372).
The expression ка! yuvaiK&v PaBunenArov could not have appeared in the dactylic hexameter for prosodic reasons, but the presence of ка! and the position of the expression in the entry suggests that it was originally a poetic quotation, albeit simplified in the course of transmission. There is in fact a verse in the Iliad that may well have been adapted so: ка! Tiva Tpro'iaSrov ка! Aap8avi8rov PaBuKoAnrov "and one of the Trojan and Dardanian women, with the folds of their dress falling deep" (Il. 18, 122). The distinction between the two groups of women, Tpro'iaSrov ка! Aap8avi8rov, would not serve the lexicographers' purpose and could be simplified to but the entry seems to show, together with indirect
evidence from other lexica (especially, the detailed entry in Apollonius Sophista) that PaBunenArov was an ancient variant reading for РаВикоАлшу in Il. 18, 122.
In view of the evidence on the independent existence of the epithet РаВипгпАо<; that can be gathered from commentaries on Homer and from lexicographers, the one literary appearance of the epithet РаВипгпАо<; in Greek poetry appears in a different light:
[...] sivsKa фаа1 ка! arn^v 'HAsKxp^v PaOtinenAov sov Sspa; a^iKaAtiyai axArn Ka! vsф£saalv avnvapsvnv xopov aAArov nA^iaSrov ai oi a5sAфSla! ysyaaaiv, "for [that city], they say, even Electra, with her peplos flowing in a deep fold, shrouded her form in mist and clouds, quitting the chorus of the rest of the Pleiads, who are indeed her sisters" (Quint. Smyrn. 13, 551-554).
The way РаВипгпАо<; is used here shows that it is certainly not a compound newly invented by Quintus: Electra in question is the mother of Dardanus and, as later Trojan women in Homer, she is qualified by her training garment; moreover, Quintus engages in sophisticated play with the philological discussion of the epithets ¿АкгошглАо^, РаВикоАпо<; and РаВикоАпо<; by having Electra, already characterized as РаВипгпАо^, conceal her form even more in a gesture of withdrawal. Incidentally, this would not be the only case when Quintus' poem preserves traces of an ancient variant reading18.
18
Cf. van der Valk 1964, 655, who views Quint. Smyrn. 10, 415 as proof that the reading nepiaxpe^exai in II. 5, 903 was attested in antiquity.
Returning to Servius and his ut Homerus PaBurcsrcAo<; 'EAsvq, it may be argued that the grammarian (or his source) was indeed referring to an ancient variant reading where PaBurcsrcAo<; replaced xavurcsrcAo<; in Il. 3, 171, Od. 3, 228 or 15, 305 (or in all these contexts at once). Obviously, this went against the tradition that no Greek woman wore her dress to the ground, which would account for the elimination of PaBunsnAo^ from the edited text. However, the fact that Servius uses PaBunsnAo^ as an illustration of the stylistic principle behind compound epithets highlighting a detail suggests that the tradition that Servius was using derived from Apion's interpretation of PaBunsnAo^: cf. the similar wording in PaBunsnAo^ 'EAsvq, id est longas per vestes <Helenae magnitudo monstratur> (Serv. ad Aen. 7, 275) and ^aivsxai yap sk xrov xoiouxrov crciBsxrov [...] xa ^sysBq xrov oro^axrov (Apion 28 Neitzel = Apoll. Soph. Lex. Hom. p. 50, s.v. PaBunsnArov). In other words, Servius' passage appears to preserve not only a Homeric variant reading, but also a piece of Alexandrian exegesis that had been taken over by Roman philological tradition 19 . The practical conclusions from this case study are that (a) PaBunsnAo^ EAsvn in Servius should be retained without correction as a precious indication of a variant reading unknown from Homeric manuscripts, but discussed by authoritative Homeric scholars; and (b) that PaBunsnAo^ would merit a much fuller representation in modern lexicographical works, as it not only appeared in Quintus Smyrnaeus, but also served as a variant reading in at least two distinct Homeric contexts (to PaBuKoAnrov in Il. 18, 122, and to
19 See Farrell 2008, who views the relationship between Servius and Alexandrian scholarship preserved in the Homeric scholia in the following way: "To state the situation as pointedly as possible, it may be that some similarities between Servius' commentary and the Homeric scholia are the result of a desire on the part of the Roman commentator to emulate Homer's critics in the same way that Vergil emulated Homer" (Farrell 2008: 122); cf. in his analysis of Serv. ad Aen. 2, 239, "it is not unlikely that in this case the allusive program of the Aeneid caused the exegetical tradition to develop in such a way that the intertextual relationship between Servius and the Homeric scholia parallels that between Vergil and Homer" (Farrell 2008: 123). In the case of PaOunenAo^, the reception of Apion's interpretation of Homer's use of compound epithets may actually have been quite direct: we know that Apion taught in Rome under Tiberius and Claudius (cf. his biography in the Suda, a 3215 Adler; see also Damon 2008: 340-342, et passim).
xavunsnAo^ in II. 3, 171, Od. 3, 228 and 15, 305) and is well attested in ancient scholarship.
Serv. ad Aen. 12, 691
As Turnus rushes forth to stop the battle, preferring to spare his men and to decide the battle's outcome by a one-on-one combat with Aeneas, Vergil describes the besieged city thus:
[...] disiectaper agmina Turnus sic urbis ruit ad muros, ubi plurima fuso
sanguine terra madet striduntque hastilibus aurae, "through disjoint troops Turnus thus rushes to the city's ramparts, where the most earth is wet with the blood that was spilt, and the air is wheezing with shafts" (Aen. 12, 689-691).
In the midst of the action-packed and dynamic narrative these verses provide a calm, almost detached perspective (specially because of the descriptiveness of terra madet striduntque... aurae). Servius notes briefly in his commentary to this verse:
stridvntqve hastilibvs avrae Homerus oupiZouoaf paKeaov larnxaxe Aoyxn (Serv. ad Aen. 12, 691).
cypizoyca makeaon icititate aonxh AS cypizoca makeaon icitiate aonxh R cypioica makeaoh icititate aonxh H cypizoyca akeaoni cititate aonxh M cypizoica aonxh F
The Greek quotation is manifestly corrupt and has been emended in different ways. Hugo Stadtmueller proposed two possibilities: oupiZouoa ^axntarov tBu rcxaxo Aoyxn "whistling, the spear of the fighters flew straight" or oupiZouoa ^aA' sv §ivat^ dosrcxaxo Aoyxn "whistling the spear flew out in whirls (?)". Friedrich Schoell, whom Georg Thilo consulted while working on his edition, suggested a rather cruel emendation oupiZouoa ^aKsSv^ A^a^ovo^ ^rcxsxo Aoyxn "whistling, the high spear touched the Amazon". Early editions of Greek epic fragments printed oupiZouoa Aoyxn without the corrupt middle2 . Th. W. Allen offers a more attentive approach to the fragment, noting that makeaon could be corrected into ^aK8§vov (cf. Schoell's suggestion cited above), and icititate into ioxaxo or (with an obvious error in aspiration) ircxaxo (Allen 1961, V:151 ad fr. 23). Finally, in 1966 M. L. West, building on Allen's
0 A
E.g. Kinkel 1877, I, 74; the quotation was still given in this reduced form, aupiZouaa Aoyxn, by Knight 1932, 181 n. 7, who considered it a fragment of an early epic.
suggestion for the second word, proposed the correction aupiZouoa MaKqSovi; trcxaxo Aoyxn "whistling flew the Macedonian spear". This emendation has since been universally accepted21. Indeed, Charles Murgia in the Harvard edition of Servius prints this scholium thus 2:
691. stridvntqve hastilibus avrae Homerus oupiZouoa
| Aoyxn, id est stridor lanceae. | MaK^Sovk; inxaxo Aoyxn.
Even before M. L. West's reconstruction of the epithet MaK^Sovi^ the line had a distinctly Hellenistic colouring. The noun Aoyxn is a word for spear that is never used by Homer; it does appear in the Batrachomyomachia (vv. 129, 167 and 300), though, but as part of the distinctly Hellenistic comic attempt to engage with traditional arming scenes known from the Homeric epics 3. The onomatopoeic verb oupiZ® describing a whistling or hissing sound is attested of objects only from the classical times24. As it is, the verse cited by Servius was surely taken from one of the historic hexametric poems of the Hellenistic period. As to its subject-matter and authorship, West, and later Hollis and Cameron, suggested that it might have been a poem on the campaigns of Alexander the Great,
01
See his short note West 1966. This correction is reproduced in Epicorum Graecorum fragmenta (Davies 1988: 110 'Homerus' F24) and the Supplementum Supplementi Hellenistici (Lloyd-Jones 2005: 130 fr. 1189); it is included by M. Schmidt in LfgrE 1955-2010, iv, col. 262 s.v. aupí^©, and cited with approval by Skutsch 1985: 631; Hollis 1992: 281 n.22;
Cameron 1995: 282.
22
In this edition, in case where Servius' commentary differs from Servius Danielis version, the text of Servius Danielis is printed in the left column, and Servius' text in the right column.
See Kelly 2014, who shows that the author of Batrachomyomachia in the two arming scenes where Aóyxn appears (124-31 and 161-5) was responding to Zenodotus' emendation of Homer's text in the scene of the arming of Paris (Il. 3, 330-338); Kelly makes no note, however, of the use of un-Homeric Aóyxn. For different words for spears and shafts in Homer, see Trümpy 1950: 52-54; cf. Bakker, van den Houten 1992: 5-7 on the distinction between the two most frequent words for spear in Homer, eyxo^ and Sópu.
24 See LSJ 1996, 1731 s.v. aupíZ®. M. Schmidt's entry in LfgrE 19552010, iv, col. 262 s.v. aupíZ© is in fact misleading: based on two contexts, hHom.Herm. 280 (páKp' ánoaupí^rav) and the 'Homeric' aupi^ouaa Aóyxn cited by Servius, he obliged to postulate the meaning "pfeifen, vom Pfeifen durch den Mund [...] und vom 'Schwirren', e.s. durch die Luft fliegenden Speers".
or else of one of Hellenistic dynasts that presented themselves as being of Macedonian descent25.
However, this raises two questions:
(a) how did a quotation, mentioning the Macedonian spear (MaK^Sovi^ Aoyxn), end up being mistaken for Homer's in Servius' commentary? However critical one may be of Servius' knowledge of Greek, the incongruity is glaring;
(b) could Vergil's striduntque hastilibus aurae (Aen. 12, 691) in a passage fraught with recognizable Homeric allusions really be an imitation of a verse from a (presumably, not widely known) Hellenistic historic epos?
M. L. West 1966 avoided these two problems altogether. Otto Skutsch made an attempt to answer the first question by suggesting that Servius (or his source) might have taken the quotation from some scholarly work where the author was indicated simply as o noi^x^, and was then mistaken for Homer26. Hollis and Cameron show awareness of the second problem: Hollis dismisses it by emphasizing Vergil's vast reading and erudition27, and Cameron uses the problem to argue in favour od a well-known Hellenistic poet (Cameron 2005: 282).
I would like to suggest a different reconstruction, one that seems to resolve both questions. The image of wheezing, whistling, hissing
Thus, West 1966: "MaK^Sovi; Aoyxn suggests the campaigns of Alexander (cf. Dion. Per. 210 Atioovic; aixp'n of the Roman armies); these were celebrated by little-read poets such as Choerilus of Iasus, Anaximenes (of Lampsacus?), and Agis of Argos, but it is conceivable that they were also alluded to by some better-known poet in the context of Dionysius' conquest of India". Hollis, without speculating on the author, suggested a Hellenistic epic on Alexander, a later king of Macedon or one of the dynasties that prided themselves on their Macedonian descent. Cameron 1995, 282, unwilling to accept the idea that Vergil would have imitated a little-known epic poem, suggested that the fragment might derive from Callimachus' Galateia.
26 "Sometimes, as in Serv. Aen. 12, 691 oupiZouoa MaK^Sovi; inxaxo Aoyxn [•••], the error is inexplicable, except in terms of a confusion between the two senses of o noi^x^; as 'the poet (of whom I am speaking)' and 'Homer' (see Allen's nos. xxi and xxii)" (Skutsch 1985, 631).
27
"So Virgil, who did not disdain the Bellum Histricum of Hosius or the Annales Belli Gallici of Furius, may have taken note of the Hellenistic counterparts to such works" (Hollis 1992, 282).
shafts is one that Vergil likes , and Serv. ad Aen. 12, 691 is not the only passage of the commentary where it was noted by Servius. Thus, in his note on a similar expression in Aen. 11, 863 the grammarian cites Homer: telistridorem Homerus CKAay^sv §' ap' o'ioxo^ (Serv. ad Aen. 11, 863), where the Greek quotation is adapted from Il. 1, 46, SKAay^av §' ap' o'toxoi, "the shafts resounded..." (with the notable change of number in order to suit Vergil's tell stridorem; incidentally, from the point of view of context, this is not an ideal parallel, as in Homer the shafts resounded in Apollo's quiver). Servius thus seems to have traced the image in different contexts and sought parallels in Homer. I would like to suggest that in his note on Aen. 12, 691, before the Hellenistic quotation oupiZouoa MaKq§ovi^ trcxaxo Aoyxn that was preserved in the manuscripts, Servius had actually cited from Homer's description of Hector on the battlefield:
[...] o 5e iSpevp noAepoio
' ' C* r r t r ">r
aanioi xaupevp KeKaAuppevoc; eupeac; ©pouc;
gk8tct£t' oiaxrov is poiZov Kai Sounov aKovxrov, "but <Hector> in his experience of war, protecting his broad shoulders with his ox hide shield, was looking at the whistling of arrows and at the thud of spears" (II. 16, 359-361).
Indeed, this parallel fits well not only the wheezing arrows in Vergil (Aen. 12, 691), but also the tonality of the passage, as Homer had presented Hector contemplating in a calm, detached way the flying shafts and thudding spears (cf. ubi plurima fuso / sanguine terra madet striduntque hastilibus aurae). Servius probably would have only cited otoxrov xs pot^ov, and then followed it with a quotation from a less important Hellenistic poet that had been sought out by an earlier commentator of Vergil (his original note might have been as simple as "Homerus o'toxrov xs potZov. et oupi^ouoa MaKq§ovi^ trcxaxo Aoyxn"). Later, in the course of the transmission of Servius' text, the Homeric quotation (given that it was probably an incomplete line, and that it contained a fairly obscure word potZo^) would have been eliminated, and the indication Homerus that had once introduced it was transferred to the quotation from the Hellenistic epic.
28 Tarrant 2012: 267 in his commentary ad loc. lists Aen. 11.799, 9.632, 12, 319, 12, 859, 12, 926. Cf. his note on the construction striduntque hastilibus aurae: "Blurring the distinction between the object that creates sound and the surrounding space is natural and easy; compare, e.g., 'the hall was abuzz with rumours' ".
There is one curious confirmation that II. 16, 361 might have been discussed elsewhere together with cupiZouca MaKqSoviç ïrcxaxo Aôyxn — Nonnus in his Dionysiaca seems to fUse these two passages in one in his description of Dionysus' spear:
[...] inxapévn ös BaKxiàç éppoiÇnoe öi' ^époç eyxsoç aixp^
avöpa ßaAeiv éOéAouaa, "flying, the point of Bacchus' spear wheezed, wishing to touch (i.e. wound) the man." (Nonn. Dion. 30, 307-309).
This parallel was first recognized by Hollis and later discussed by Cameron who surmised that cupiZouca MaKqSoviç ïrcxaxo ^ôyxn might have been known to Nonnus from one of the collections of
29
Vergilian "thefts" . Neither of them recognizes that éppoiZncs must reflect Homer's oïcxrov xs potZov Kai Soùrcov aKÔvxrov (Il. 16, 361).
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