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A Scandinavian Island in a Slavonic Linguistic Environment.
The Dialect of Gammalsvenskby: Nouns (paper 2)*
Alexander E. Mankov
Православный Свято-Тихоновский гуманитарный университет, Москва
Скандинавский остров в славянской языковой среде. Диалект села Старошведское: имя существительное (статья 2)
Александр Евгеньевич Маньков
St. Tikhon's Orthodox University, Moscow
Abstract
This paper continues the series of publications on the morphology of the dialect of Staroshvedskoye (Sw. Gammalsvenskby), whiA is the only surviving Scandinavian dialect in the territory of the former Soviet Union. The village of Staroshvedskoye is located in the Kherson region, Ukraine. Its Swedish dialect historically belongs to the group of Swedish dialects of Estonia and goes bad; * I
* This research was supported by a grant from the Russian Science Foundation for the Humanities (РГНФ), project #14-04-00092 “The Dialect of Gammalsvenskby: Documenting and Description of Noun and Verb Morphology.” The expedition to Gammalsvenskby in 2013 was funded by the Foundation for Fundamental Linguistic Research (http://www.ffli.ru), project A-32 “The Dialect of Gammalsvenskby: field research.”
I am very grateful to T. A. Torstendahl-Salytjeva, Russian-Swedish Educational and Research Center, Russian State University for the Humanities, for her support for the study of Gammalsvenskby.
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This is an open access article distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International
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to the dialect of the island of Dago (Hiiumaa). The dialect of Gammalsvenskby is of interest to slavists as an example of a language island in the Slavonic environment. From around the 1950s, the main spoken language of all village residents, including dialect speakers, has been surzhik. Due to the complete lack of studies of the present-day dialect and because of the severe endangerment in which the dialect is currently situated, the most urgent task is to collect, classify, and publish the factual material. This paper introduces comprehensive material on nouns in the conservative variety of the present-day dialect. It lists all masculine nouns of types 1b, c, d, and e together with their cognates from Estonian Swedish dialects; comments on the history of the forms are given as well. The sources for the material presented here are interviews with speakers of the conservative variety of the dialect recorded by the author during fieldwork in the village from 2004 to 2013. We plan to publish nouns of other types in later articles.
Keywords
documentary linguistics, endangered language, field linguistics, Slavic-Ger-manic language contact, Swedish dialectology, East Swedish dialects, Swedish dialects of Estonia, the village of Gammalsvenskby, dialect morphology, dialect vocabulary
Резюме
Статья продолжает серию публикаций, посвящённых морфологии диалекта с. Старошведское (шв. Gammalsvenskby), который является единственным живым скандинавским диалектом на территории бывшего СССР. Диалект Старошведского интересен для славистов как пример языкового острова в славянском окружении, т. к. со второй половины XX в. основным языком всех жителей села, включая носителей диалекта, является суржик. В связи с полным отсутствием исследований современного состояния диалекта и крайне неблагополучной ситуацией, в которой он в настоящее время находится, первоочередной задачей является сбор, классификация и введение в научный оборот фактического материала по фонетике, морфологии, синтаксису и лексике. В данной статье впервые предпринята исчерпывающая на данный момент публикация синхронного материала по имени существительному: приводятся все встретившиеся в интервью существительные мужского рода, относящиеся к типам 1b, c, d, e, даются примеры их употребления, соответствия из родственных диалектов, а также пояснения сравнительно-исторического характера. Источником материала являются интервью с носителями консервативного варианта диалекта, записанные автором в ходе полевой работы в селе в 20042013 гг. В последующих статьях планируется аналогичным образом опубликовать существительные остальных типов.
Ключевые слова
документирование исчезающих языков, исчезающий язык, полевая лингвистика, славяно-германские языковые контакты, шведские диалекты, восточношведские диалекты, шведские диалекты Эстонии, село Старошведское, диалектная морфология, диалектный словарь
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introduction
The study of endangered languages as an urgent task of present-day linguistics
§ 1. Among the tasks of present-day linguistics one of the most urgent is the task of documenting those languages which face the danger of extinction. An endangered language is one whose number of speakers is approaching zero. This may be caused by the death of the last speakers or by the language shift that occurs when domains of language use are shrinking so that ultimately no one can use the language in any context. If one is to describe the current linguistic situation in the world concisely, unprecedented catastrophe would be the most relevant characterization. The catastrophe has been caused by the rapid decrease in the number of spoken languages, and its unprecedented scale is conditioned by its worldwide character. According to an estimation by David Crystal, at the turn of the third millennium 96% of the world’s population spoke only 4% of its languages. Correspondingly, only 4% of the population spoke 96% of the world’s languages [Crystal 2000: 14]. In a pessimistic scenario, 90% of languages will become either extinct or close to extinction during the current century [Crauss 1992: 7]; according to a more “optimistic” forecast, by the year 2100 half of the world’s languages will be extinct [Crystal 2000: 19].
The extinction of languages has taken place throughout the history of mankind, but in the present century, the epidemic of language extinction has struck all continents, not only certain disadvantaged regions. A particularly bitter tragedy occurs when a language not only disappears, but disappears undocumented and unresearched, i.e., disappears without a trace. There are currently 6,909 known spoken languages [Austin, Sallabank 2011: 3], although this is an approximate number. Establishing the exact number of languages is difficult, among other reasons due to the lack or the insufficiency of data on them. Meanwhile, those languages that are insufficiently explored may, with high probability, be in the risk group. Europe is the continent with the least linguistic diversity: only 3% of the world’s languages are situated here.1 Nevertheless, a language whose present-day state was uninvestigated has been discovered even in Europe: it is the dialect of Gammalsvenskby. Taking this into account, what might await discovery in regions with a high concentration of languages?
Though there is no uniformly grim forecast for all endangered languages, and despite reports of successful revitalization,1 2 the general tendency is a decrease in the number of spoken languages. In this respect the future world
1 Asia 33%, Africa 30%, the Pacific 19%, and the Americas 15% [Austin, Sallabank 2011: 5].
2 See, for example, [Kaia’titahkhe Annette Jacobs 1998] on successful efforts to preserve the Mohawk language in Quebec, Canada.
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will become less varied and thus more primitive. However, this process can be, if not halted, at least slowed down. If a language is spoken by a few families and there are children who use it in “natural” communication, it stands a chance of survival. A language can be preserved only by the active interest, love, and respect of its speakers for their roots. In any case, documentation and study of minority languages and endangered languages are clearly what is needed on the part of linguists. Detailed and systematic descriptions are of the highest value as they most fully preserve the language for future studies and can provide a basis for its revitalization. However, any thorough linguistic description in the area of endangered languages, even if brief or dealing with a narrow topic, is valuable. Over the last two decades a number of monographs and collections of papers on various issues associated with endangered languages have been published: see, for instance, [Dorian 1989; Dixon 1997; Bradleys 2002; Tsunoda 2005; Harrison et al. 2008; Grenoble, Fur-bee 2010; Haig et al. 2011]. A number of foundations supporting studies of endangered languages have been set up; see the list in [Austin, Salla-bank 2011: 2]. In Russia, the Foundation for Fundamental Linguistic Research was launched in 2010 by Kirill Babaev; it focuses on supporting field research on endangered languages.
It might appear that describing a small and little known language which, to make things worse, is probably doomed to extinction, is too exotic, too narrow and, at the same time, too costly a task, however exciting it may be; moreover, it might seem that it is a task that would contribute little to the field of linguistics overall. The actual situation is in fact quite the opposite. Descriptions of unexplored or little explored languages are necessary for linguistic theory and, especially, for linguistic typology. Uninvestigated languages provide material that either changes or significally corrects conceptions of what is possible in human languages [Palosaari, Campbell 2011: 100-110]. The development of contemporary linguistics to a considerable extent depends on the study of unexplored languages and dialects.
This paper introduces factual material on nouns in the dialect of Gam-malsvenskby and lists all masculine nouns of types 1b, c, d, and e that have occurred in my interviews to date with fluent speakers.3 Before proceeding to the factual material, let us give a brief outline of the history of the village and the current linguistic situation there.
The village of Gammalsvenskby and speakers of its dialect § 2. The village of Staroshvedskoye (Sw. Gammalsvenskby; current Ukrainian name Змивка/Zmiivka) is located in the southern part of Ukraine, in the
3 Nouns of type m. 1a were published in [Mankov 2013a]. On the morphological classification of nouns in the present-day dialect, see [Mankov 2011b; 2013b].
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Berislav district of the Kherson region, on the bank of the Dnieper River. The official name of this area in the 19th century was Старошведская волость Херсонского уезда Херсонской губернии (“Old Swedish volost of the Kherson uyezd of the Kherson guberniya”). The village was founded in 1782 by migrants from the island of Hiiumaa (Sw. Dago) in the Baltic [Pisarevskii 1899: 249-250]. At that time this island belonged to the Russian Empire. The native language of the founders of the village was the dialect of Dago, which is one of the Swedish dialects of Estonia.4
In the 18th century regions adjacent to the North Coast of the Black Sea were thinly populated, and the government of Catherine the Great was implementing measures aimed at increasing the population of this area. The resettlement of Swedes from Dago was part of this process. The number of foreign colonists in that part of the Russian Empire was, in that period, very high, and the majority of the colonists was made up of Germans. In 1838 in the Kherson guberniya alone there were 39 German settlements [Zablotskii 1838: 5-6]. By the middle of the 19th century, the Kherson guberniya was a multinational region, as seen from statistical data on the non-Russian population of this governorate in 1852: “Moldavians 75,000, Germans 31,700, Jews Talmudists 22,424, Bulgarians 11,132, Greeks 3,500, Gypsies 2,516, Armenians 1,990, Poles 850, Karaites 446, Serbians 436, Swedes 168, in total 150,162” [Spisok 1852]. According to [Novorossiiskii kalendar' 1864: 121], in the southern Russian guberniyas (the Kherson, Yekaterinoslav, and Taurida gu-berniyas, and Bessarabia), the number of “Germans with a small number of Swedes and Swiss” was 151,925, whereas the number of Russians was 13,162.
In all likelihood, the number of residents of the Swedish colony has never exceeded 1,000. According to [Pisarevskii 1899: 249], the initial number of migrants from Dago was 966, of which only 880 reached their final destination on the bank of the Dnieper. Living conditions in the new place were hard (the climate of the region may appear rather harsh: cold, snowy winters and sweltering summers with 40°C as a usual temperature), and the number of settlers decreased quickly. By the year 1800, the population of the Swedish colony was 150 or 160 people [Skal'kovskii 1850: 265]. However, during the 19th century life in the village stabilized, and by the Revolution of 1917 there were 718 Swedes in the colony [Spisok 1917: 126]. In 1929 the Swedes of Gammalsvenskby managed to obtain a permit to emigrate to Sweden, but in 1931 some of them returned to the village.5 In the 1930s eighteen Swedes were killed in Stalin’s repressions. During the Second World War the Swedish population
4 An outline of Swedish dialects of Estonia is given in [Lagman E. 1979]. For a detailed account of Swedish settlements in Estonia, see [En bok om Estlands svenskar 1961; 1964]. On the position of Swedish in Estonia, see [Kark-Remes 2002].
5 See [Kotljarchuk 2012] on the post-Revolution period in the history of the village.
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of the village became subject to forced resettlement to Germany in the capacity of Volksdeutsche. After the war some of the Swedes returned to the village while the majority were sent to a “special settlement” in the Komi ASSR. The stay in Komi was fortunately not as prolonged as it could have been: due to the intervention of a Swedish engineer, who accidentally learned of the injustice against the Swedes, they were given permission to return to their home village. This happened in 1947, after approximately two years in Germany and two years in the Komi ASSR. The present-day Gammalsvenskby is a large village, though it still remains relatively remote and difficult to access. At present its population is ca. 2,000 people. An impression of the present-day village and the people there can be gained from an excellent photo album by Sved-berg and MArtensson [2001].
In 2004 I made my first trip to the village.6 In contrast to the history of the village itself, at that time nothing was known about the dialect and its speakers. There had been no systematic studies of the dialect since the beginning of the 20th century. Consequently, at the starting point of my research there was virtually no data on the present-day state of the dialect.7 As a result of that first trip, it became clear that the dialect has been preserved as a linguistic system (not as a mixture of, for example, Standard Swedish, German, and Russian/Ukrainian interspersed with odd dialect elements), and its discovery is a major finding in the field of Germanic and Scandinavian linguistics. The current objective is detailed documentation and description of the dialect. Up to now I have made ten expeditions to Gammalsvenskby and published an outline of the phonetics of the dialect [Mankov 2010 a], a brief description of nouns [Mankov 2010b; 2011b], adjectives and pronouns [2011c], and verbs [2012a], and an outline of word formation of nouns [2012b; 2013c]. These papers deal with the variety of the dialect spoken by the fluent speakers. The study of the language of the semi-speakers and of structural changes taking place in the dialect was begun in [Mankov 2013d].
§ 3. From a linguistic point of view, the population of the village is made up of the following groups:
1) Speakers of Russian and Russian-Ukrainian who have no relationship to the dialect. They constitute the majority.
2) Children of the older generation of Swedes who were born in the 1950s-
6 This trip took place as part of the project “Gammalsvenskby, the Swedish Colony in the Ukraine” organized by Sodertorn University College, Stockholm, and funded by the Swedish Institute and the Foundation for Baltic and East European Studies, Sweden.
A report on the work carried out by 2011 is in [Mankov 2011a].
7 For example, there is no mention of the dialect in [Iazyki narodov SSSR 1966] and in [Comrie 1981]. The dialect is briefly referred to in [Haugen 1976: 353], however with no mention that it is still spoken in the village.
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1970s. Their main language is Russian-Ukrainian. Standard Swedish is taught as a supplementary subject at school and many representatives of this group have a certain command of it. No one in this group is able to speak the dialect and thus serve as a linguistic informant in its study. They recall how their grandparents spoke the dialect, but exclusively among themselves and never with the younger generation, and they note that this was done deliberately.
3) Ethnic Swedes of the older generation born in the 1920s-1930s. Their number does not exceed fifteen persons. This group is the object of my study. Their main language now is Russian-Ukrainian, though they often use the Swedish dialect in everyday conversations. All of them possess a good command of German, and many of them learned Standard Swedish at a young age either from their parents or at school and they are able to speak it, although of course in a somewhat different manner than present-day “Swedish” Swedes.
My work in 2004 and 2005 began by selecting informants in order to develop a basic grammar. All speakers of the dialect were interviewed. The main criterion in making this selection was the consistency of inflection and the preservation of the dialect vocabulary. The linguistic situation in Gam-malsvenskby is characterized by the fact that speakers of the dialect are not uniform in their linguistic competence. Such a lack of uniformity is a common feature of a community where an endangered language is spoken. The main types of speakers that are distinguished in this regard are fluent speakers, semi-speakers, and terminal speakers [Dorian 1977; Grinevald, Bert 2011: 49-51], i.e., speakers with linguistic competence of high, medium, and low levels. Highly competent speakers are also called “conservative.” All these types of speakers are found in the present-day village. The dialect variety of those whose parents were Swedish and who spoke the dialect as their main language in childhood is different from those whose parents (or one parent) were not Swedish and who therefore did not speak the dialect in childhood. The present-day fluent speakers spoke the dialect as the main language in childhood, whereas the semi-speakers acquired knowledge of the dialect as their second or third language and did not speak it actively in childhood. Thus, in the case of Gammalsvenskby the linguistic competence and the preservation of the language is conditioned by how much it was spoken in childhood. In addition to linguistic considerations in choosing the informants, their personal qualities had to be taken into account as well: their willingness to be communicative, availability of time for interviews, capability of answering questions clearly, and comprehensible pronunciation. My fieldwork up to 2012 was concentrated on interviewing the following three informants: Anna Semionovna Liutko (1931-2013), Lidiia Andreevna Utas (born in 1933), and Melitta Fridrikhovna Prasolova (born in 1926). They speak the most conservative variety of the dialect. The majority of forms and phrases have been obtained from Lidiia
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Utas. She has a prodigious memory; according to her own testimony, many of the words that she cited in interviews she last heard or used more than half a century ago. Despite this, she easily gave word forms necessary to establish paradigms and cited examples of their usage. It should be noted that all conservative speakers draw a conscious distinction between Standard Swedish and the dialect. As a brief example, L. Utas clearly perceives such verbs as befall ‘order,’ bemarke ‘notice,’ besike ‘visit,’ bevar ‘defend,’ skrakke ‘frighten’ as Standard Swedish8 and cites their dialect equivalents: sate 'po, bli de 'vass-e, kuma nast non, vdr, radd 'o.
Describing the conservative variety of the dialect, however important it is, does not produce a complete picture. In reality, there is no uniform dialect equally shared by all members of the community. In order to carry out a truly comprehensive study, we should take into account all of its varieties. During the expedition of 2012 I started to collect material on the variety spoken by the semispeakers, namely the sisters Emma Utas (born in 1932) and Elsa Kozenko (born in 1930); preliminary results of this study are presented in [Mankov 2013b]. Among the grammatical features of the language of semi-speakers, the most prominent is a high frequency of free variation [Campbell, Muntzel 1989; Palosaari, Campbell 2011]. In morphology, free variation implies expressing the same grammatical meaning with several interchangeable forms which occur without any regularity. Free variation takes place in the speech of fluent speakers as well but in their case, the occurrence of forms is generally quite predictable. In the speech of semi-speakers, the occurrence of forms is much less predictable. Furthermore, in their speech the number of forms does not decrease but in fact it increases (see examples in [Mankov 2013d]). The “conservative” variety of the dialect represented by its fluent speakers serves as a basis and a starting point in the study of the dialect, whereas material obtained from semispeakers will provide the opportunity for comparison and will therefore allow us to study structural changes taking place in the dialect.
The dialect of Gammalsvenskby is of interest to slavists as an example of a language island in the Slavonic environment. Before the resettlement from Dago in the 18th century, the dialect was in contact with Estonian, and during the entire 19th century and up to the middle of the 20th century, it was in contact with German, which was due to the fact that there were a number of German settlements in the neighborhood of the Swedish village. From the middle of the 20th century the main language of all residents of Gammalsvenskby, including the Swedes, has been Russian-Ukrainian (a mixed variety called суржик/surzhik); it is the dominant language of present-day speakers of the dialect. The situation
8 Her own explanation: Ve sai her “sate 'po": “Umm-en ant villgara-e, so satt 'po-en de gara-e," a “befall" kumar utpo hokk-svansk “We say here sate 'po: “If he doesn’t want to do it, so order him to do it,” whereas befall comes out as Standard Swedish.’
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of multilingualism seems to affect the semi-speakers the most, as gaps in the knowledge of the dialect should be compensated from other sources, i.e., from Russian-Ukrainian, German, and Standard Swedish. I will address the phenomena that are caused by language contact in a separate study. For now, the most urgent task is to collect, classify, and publish factual material on the synchronic state of the dialect. This will provide a basis for a more in-depth study of the contact between the dialect and its Slavonic environment.
Previous studies of the dialect
§ 4. The pioneer in the study of the dialect of Gammalsvenskby was the outstanding Swedish dialectologist Herman Vendell. He visited the village in June 1881 [Vendell 1989] and collected a large amount of lexical material for his Ordbok ofver estlandssvenska dialekterna (“Dictionary of the Swedish Dialects of Estonia”) [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886]. This dictionary remains the only published source for the vocabulary of the dialect. The only description of the grammar is a brief article by Anton Karlgren written in 1906 and published in 1953 by Nils Tiberg [Karlgren 1953]. Another important work is Tiberg’s monograph Estlandssvenska sprakdrag (“Linguistic Features of Swedish Dialects of Estonia”) [Tiberg 1962]. Tiberg did not visit the village but interviewed those speakers of the dialect who had emigrated to Sweden in 1929. He used data from Gammalsvenskby to describe phonological and morphological features of Swedish dialects of Estonia, but does not give a systematic description of the dialect. Tiberg also compiled a card dictionary of Swedish dialects of Estonia, which is kept at Sprak- och folkminnesinstitutet (SOFI) in Uppsala [Bergfors 1981]. Another unpublished work kept at SOFI in Uppsala is the material for the dictionary of the dialect collected by J. Utas [Utas 1979; Bergfors 1978-1979]. Brief information about the dialect is given in [Joalaid, Juhkam 1989].
The most fully described Swedish dialect of Estonia is the dialect of Nu-cko, now extinct.9 Karlgren’s informants were born in the 1840s and in the 1860s-80s; his data therefore belongs to an entirely different epoch and cannot serve as a source for the synchronic study of the dialect. However, his data, together with Vendell’s and Danell’s works, is a source for the history of the dialect and allows us to study the relationship between the present-day state of the grammar and vocabulary and their state at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries.
A work summarizing the Swedish dialects of Estonia is [Lagman E. 1979]. Fundamental studies of the phonetics and grammar of East Swedish dialects
9 Grammars: [Vendell 1881; Danell 1905-1934]; dictionary: [Danell 1951]; supplement to the dictionary: [Isberg 1970]; study of the word formation of nouns: [Lagman E. 1958].
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are [Hultman 1894] and [Hultman 1939], and a bibliography of Gammal-svenskby and Swedish settlements in Estonia is contained in [Appelgren 1997].
It should be noted that Vendell’s dictionary of 1886 received extremely harsh criticism from Swedish dialectologists; see for example [Danell 19051934: 8-13]. With regard to nouns, the drawback of this dictionary is its incomplete morphological descriptions: only the plural form is cited, although a morphological classification requires indication of the definite singular as well [Mankov 2011b: § 5]. In my interviews I have compared the bulk of Vendell’s dictionary with the data from three fluent speakers. If a word cited by Vendell was familiar to them, the forms they cited are, in most cases, identical to those given by Vendell. If phonetic and morphological discrepancies occur, only in rare cases do they appear to be inaccuracies that cannot be explained by a process of linguistic change. A more serious problem is in fact not such discrepancies but rather the very large number of words in Vendell’s dictionary that are unknown to the present-day speakers. However, Vendell collected his material in 1881, and it is separated from my interviews by an interval of more than 120 years. In Vendell’s day, the dialect was the main language for its speakers, whereas for present-day speakers it ceased to be the main language many decades ago. Bearing in mind the circumstances in which the dialect existed after the Revolution of 1917, the divergence between Vendell’s data and modern data appears understandable. Inaccuracies which are presumably contained in Vendell’s dictionary are fully justified by the pioneering character and the scale of his work, which in addition was carried out single-handedly in a relatively short period of time. It should be remarked that the dictionary of the dialect of Nucko came out almost fifty years after the beginning of Danell’s work, while lexical materials collected by Karlgren and Tiberg remained unpublished.
Organization of the data
§ 5. The factual data presented below is organized according to the following scheme:
1) dialect noun with a translation and phonetic variants (if any);
2) all known derivatives and compounds;
3) phrases from interviews illustrating the usage (in some cases I cite not only short phrases and sentences but also fairly extensive narratives, which will allow the reader to form a more general impression of the dialect);
4) cognates, if any, from the main published studies of Swedish dialects of Estonia, namely, from [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886; Karlgren 1953; Danell 1951; Isberg 1970].
Vendell uses the following abbreviations for the dialects: D — Dago, G — Gammalsvenskby, N — Nucko, O — Ormso, R — Rago (LillR — Lilla Rago,
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StorR — Stora Rago), and W — Wichterpal (Vippal). For example, DGNORW after a certain form means that it was recorded in the dialects of Dago, Gammalsvenskby, Nucko, Ormso, Rago, and Vippal. I preserve these abbreviations when referring to Vendell’s dictionary. Instead of full forms of the plural given by Vendell, I indicate only endings (if the root is unchanged in the plural). Translations in Vendell that are identical to the translation of the entry word are not repeated. For example, the entry for ‘brush’ in Vendell’s dictionary looks like this:
bost, pl. bostar, m. Borste. DGNORW
In this paper it is quoted as follows:
bost, -arm. DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 28].
With respect to information quoted from [Danell 1951], instead of numbers referring to the declension type, I give the endings of nouns. For example, “host m. 1” in Danell’s dictionary is cited as “host, -n, -ar, -a m. [ibid.: 39]” in this paper.
Material from preceding studies is given in this paper in its original orthography, i.e., exactly as it appears in publications by Vendell, Danell, and others. An outline of orthographic systems employed for Swedish dialects of Estonia as well as a detailed table of correspondences between my orthography and the preceding orthographies are given in [Mankov 2010a; Mankov 2013a].
In most cases the usage examples from my interviews are given with the initials of the informant who cited them:
AA — Anna Andreevna Annas (born in 1936);
AL — Anna Semionovna Liutko (1931-2013);
AP — Anna Matveevna (Matsovna) Portje (1923-2008);
EU — Emma Ivanovna Utas (born in 1932);
LU — Lidiia Andreevna Utas (born in 1933);
MP — Melitta Fridrikhovna Prasolova (born in 1926).
§ 6. For the present-day dialect I have developed the following orthography:
Vowels: a [a], a [a:], e [e], ё [e:\ e:],10 i [i], i [i:], o [o], о [o:], u [u], й [u:], y [y], a [e], a [e:], о [re], о [re:], й [e], ti [a:], ai [ei, ei], ой [re:a, гей].
Consonants: b [b], d [d], d [d],/ [f], g [g], h [h],j [j], k [k], l [l], l Щ, m [m], n [n] ([g] in front of k), n [n], у [g],p [p], r [r], s [s], s [f], t [t], t [t], r [v], x [x],
z [zL z [з].
The consonants p, t, k are not aspirated; d, t, n are postalveolar d, t, n (as in Standard Swedish). The combinations dj, gj, nj, sj, tj designate palatalized consonants; skj, stj are [skj, stj]. The length of consonants within morphemes 10
10 On the distribution of [e:i] and [e:] as well as for other phonetic details, see [Mankov 2010 a].
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is designated by doubling the letter: tummar ‘empty.’ If a long consonant occurs in front of another consonant within a morpheme, its length is not designated: vant [ven:t] ‘to wait,’ whereas on morpheme boundaries it is designated: tumm-t (neuter sg. of tumm-ar). The hyphen is employed to show elements of compounds (e.g., sir-boss ‘sorrel soup,’ hjol-slae ‘killed’ (participle), soss-som ‘because’) and enclitic forms of personal pronouns (e.g., in hav-e ‘had it,’ var-e ‘was it,’ to-de ‘when you’11); it is also used on word boundaries where postalveolar consonants occur (e.g. va-n < var han ‘was he’). Word stress is shown only when it does not fall on the first syllable: konnfd re ‘why,’ loqafiar ‘long ago,’ aldina ‘alone.’ Phrase stress is shown with ', e.g., slu 'hjol. Phonetic variants are divided with /, morphological with //.
Declension types of masculine nouns
§ 6. In order to establish the paradigm of a noun and determine the declension type, I asked the informants to cite the following forms: with the numeral/ pronoun ‘one’ (to elicit the indefinite singular); with the pronouns ‘this’ or ‘that’ (definite singular); with the pronoun mike ‘many’ (indefinite plural); and with the pronouns ‘these’ or ‘those’ (definite plural).
Morphonological types of masculine nouns and their endings are shown in the table: *
Type Def. sg. Pl. Def. pl. Examples
m.1a -en -ar -a//-ana fisk, fisk-en, fisk-ar, fisk-a//-ana ‘fish’
m.1b -n kvust, kvust-n, kvust-ar, kvust-a//-ana ‘branch’
m.1c -n stuj, stun, stul-ar, stuj-a//-ana ‘chair’
m.1d -0 bjun, bjun, bjun-ar, bjun-a//-ana ‘bear’
m.1e -en -j-ar -j-a// -j-ana sakk, sakk-en, sakk-j-ar, sakk-j-a//-j-ana ‘sack’
m.2a -en/ -n/-0 -ar// -ar -e//-ena// -a//-ana svansk, svansk-en, svansk-ar//-ar, svansk-e// -a//-ana ‘Swede’
m.2b -n -ar//-0 -e//-ena// -na bokar, bokan, bokar-ar, bokar-e//bokana ‘baker,’ biggjar, biggjan, biggjar//biggjar-ar, biggjar-e//-ena ‘builder’
m.3a -n -r -na stoka, stoka-n, stoka-r, stoka-na ‘stick’
m.3b -an -ar -ana//-a end, end-an, end-ar, end-a//-ana ‘end’
m.4 -n/-0 -ar with umlaut -re/-e with umlaut fut, fut-n, fet-ar, fet-re ‘foot’
11 See [Mankov 2011c] on regularities in the use of enclitics.
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The principles of classification as well as the correlation between my classification and those of Karlgren and Danell are discussed in [Mankov 2011b]; the history of the endings is described in [Mankov 2010b].
Type m. 1b
§ 7. A distinguishing feature of this type is the ending -n (usually -n after d and t) in the definite singular form. It is here that nouns with the following stem finals belong: d (but not nd), d, t, t, s, s, rr; occasionally l after a consonant or an unstressed vowel [Mankov 2010b: § 12.2].
In interviews with LU and MP (but not with AL) the ending -en occasionally occurs alongside -n in the definite singular. This may be caused both by the influence of the more numerous nouns of type m.la and the phonetic change -n > -en which is due to the loss of the syllabic character of -n. The nouns borr ‘burr’ and Nuden “the North” (this is what the Swedes of Gammalsvenskby call the Komi ASSR) occurred only with the ending -en, thus they cannot be included in type m. lb.
As far as one can judge by Karlgren’s examples, at the time of his research (i.e., in 1904-1905) nouns with stems terminating in d, d, t, t, s, s and in the retroflex s (which does not exist in the present-day dialect) had a syllabic -n in the definite sg.: buldn (buld ‘abscess’), gadn (gad ‘yard’), hatn (hat ‘hat’), bostn (host ‘brush’), brimsn (brims ‘gadfly’), fo§n (fo_s ‘rapids in a river’), hasp (has ‘neck’) [Karlgren 1953: 17]. Nouns in l and rr had a non-syllabic -n: tafeln, snarn [ibid.: 18]. In the dialect of Nucko, nouns terminating in d, d, t, t, s, s and in the voiceless l had a syllabic -n in the definite sg.: bildn (bild ‘ploughshare’), godn (god yard’), кшт (krnt ‘fir cone’), bostn, isn (is ice’), hasn (has ‘neck’), k&ln (k&l ‘kettle’), while nouns in l as well as monosyllabic nouns in r had an ordinary -n: kiln (kil ‘wedge’), Ьшгп (Ьшг ‘cage’) [Danell 1905-1934: 102-103]. It should be noted that in the present-day dialect of Gammalsvenks-by, in contrast to Nucko, nouns in l and ll after a stressed vowel belong to type
m. la (i.e., have the definite sg. in -en rather than -n), while nouns in r belong to type m. lc: the definite sg. of btir ‘cage’ is btirn in Nucko, btin in Gammals-venskby. It should also be remarked that according to Danell, in the dialect of Nucko the dental n after postalveolar consonants was more frequent than the postalveolar n: bostn ‘the brush’ instead of bostN [ibid.: § 32].
§ 8. Nouns of type m. lb which have occurred in the interviews:
1. blikst ‘lightning’: BlikstnDERSG slu 'inn ot stjtie, ter var iqen ant terinn ote koman, a soss var-e fullt ma raik ote koman, o blummana lo umm golve htar kvatana kasta. Umm non a vare terinn ote koman, kannske hav-e hjol-slae. Mama var po arbete o gamma var tertit ote godn, kuka jata LU ‘The lightning struck in the house, there was no one there in the room, and so the room was
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full of smoke, and the flowers were scattered all over the floor. If there had been someone in the room, it would probably have killed him. Mommy was at work, and Grandma was in the yard, she was cooking something to eat’; To ve var toe Север, so slu-e an mann 'xjol, blikst. Han staiv 'upp o gi unde tra, o ter slu-e 'xjol-en. He slu 'innpo-en, som-en stu 'unde, an kattisn brann 'sundar, o ain rondpo kruppen. Tom gitsa, an-en kumar 'tjo-se, a han blai 'o dear LU ‘When we were in the North (i.e., in the Komi ASSR), it killed a man, lightning. He stood up and went under a tree, and there it killed him. It struck him when he was standing underneath, so that his cap was burned through and there was a streak on his body. They thought that he would regain consciousness, but he was dead.’
|| Vendell and Danell cite only the corresponding verb: blikst DOGN ‘to glimmer, flash’ [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 25], blakst ‘to flash’ DG [ibid.: 27]; bhkst ‘to twinkle’ [Danell 1951: 30]. Vendell recorded the following words for ‘lightning’: blikk, -ar m. NOW, blakstand, -er n. D [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 25, 27].
2. blUd ‘saucer’ (< Russ. блюдо ‘dish’): katt-bltid ‘cat saucer’; Ja hallt 'inn gradd otme e bltidnDERSG. LU ‘I poured sour cream in the saucer’;Ja kann ribl 'inn mindare bitar tite bltidnDERSG. o rer 'hUp-e me gradd LU ‘I can crumble smaller bits into the saucer and mix it with sour cream.’
|| This word is absent from Vendell’s and Danell’s dictionaries.
3. bolt ‘bolt’
|| bolt, -arm. ‘bolt’ W, ‘pendulum bob’ N [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 28]; bolt, -n, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 60].
4. boss: ‘beet soup’ (< Russ. борщ): sir-boss ‘soup with sorrel’; Umm-de har katt, so kasta-de ale fast kate 'inn de kuk, a ant, so bliar-e smalsandar boss LU ‘If you have meat, first of all you throw the meat on to cook, and if you don’t, then it’s “fried” beet soup.’
|| This word is absent from Vendell’s and Danell’s dictionaries.
5. bost ‘brush’: farg-bost ‘paintbrush’; roka-bost ‘shaving brush’; Gnie ant ma bostnDE¥SG,fore-e an-en bliarskarpar, han bostnDERSG. LU ‘Don’t rub with the brush (when tarring a barrel) because it gets stiff, the brush’; Ter somja var po kottare, hon hus-muar hon bapikar de kuma klistar 'tit keka nast-on. Tom klistra 'tit-on. Ot me, he foll-e ant, soss-som dom hav-on klistra, soss-som dom flotsa titt me bostaDERPL. poflakken LU ‘Where I rented a flat, the landlady asked girls to come and whitewash the kitchen. They whitewashed it. Me, I didn’t like it how they had whitewashed it, as they slapped it there on that spot with the brushes.’
|| bost, -ar m. DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 28]; bo?t, -n, -ar, -a m. [Karlgren 1953: 17]; bo§[/bost, -n, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 39]. This noun originally belonged to the weak declension (type m. 3b in my classification): compare Sw. borste, Icel. bursti m.
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6. bot AL MP, bod LU ‘steamship’ (the usual word for ‘boat’ in the present-day dialect is lusk f.)
|| bat, -arm. DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 37]; bot, -n, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 65].
7. brims AP, brins Mp, brints AL ‘gadfly’
|| brims, -ar m. GO [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 30]; broms, -n, -er, -e
m. [Danell 1951: 58].
8. barefis LU, barofis AL ‘type of beetle’: An barefis jar an svattar makk, spits-atso la tar o spits-nasatar, han jar slikar loqar som fipas-lean. To-de rer ute-
n, so luftas-n. Tom barefisa0EEEE. kuna vara o ute kallan LU ‘Barefis is a black beetle, with a pointed back and a pointed nose, it’s as long as a finger joint. When you touch it, it stinks. Those beetles can also be in the cellar.’
|| barefis, -arm. ‘shield bug’ (Cimex baccarum) G [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 38]; bor-fis, -n, -er, -e m., -a, -ar, -a f. [Danell 1951: 66].
9. bass, also for-bass ‘male sheep’
|| bass, -arm. DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 38]; bos, -n, -ar, -a m. ‘(castrated) male sheep’ [Danell 1951: 67].
10. bUld‘boil’: Hon hav an btild ute briste LU ‘She had a boil on the breast’; To-de harbtildarEE, u.te han btildnEEEEQ jarkutt tarinn LU ‘When you have boils, in that boil there is core inside.’
|| bud, -arf. G, m. D [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 36]; buld, -n, -ar, -a m. [Karlgren 1953: 17]; bej, -e, -er, -e n. [Danell 1951: 68].
Gender fluctuation between the forms recorded by Vendell, Karlgren, and Danell, as well as phonetic differences may be caused by a contamination of the following forms: PGerm. *bul-id-o f., *bul-di- f. (probably also m.), *bul-da- m.//n. A similar derivational synonymy is found in Goth. ganists f. ‘salvation’ (*-ti-) on the one hand, and OEng., Olcel. nest n. ‘viands’ (*-to-) on the other. As the combination ld in the dialects of Gammalsvenskby and Nucko is retained and does not give d (see examples in [Mankov 2010a: § 10.3]), the consonant d in Vendell’s bud and Danell’s bej may go back to ld, where the retroflex l is explained by its originally intervocalic position: *buld- < PGerm. *bul-id-o. This PGerm. form accounts for Vendell’s bud. In Danell’s dictionary, bej e goes back to y,12 which appeared either by contamination with *bul-di- (> *byld- > *byld > *bold > *bold > bed) or by analogy with i-umlauted i-stems (such as Olcel. skyld). The form btild m., recorded in present-day Gammalsvenskby goes back either to PGerm. *bul-da- m. or to *bul-di- m. The fluctuation between masc. and fem. in the reflexes of the i-stem *bul-di- is parallelled by OSw. byrp f.//burper m. ‘bearing.’13 Forms with the suffix *-da- fluctuated
12 See [Danell 1905-1934: 98] for details of the change y > e.
13 According to Olson, the gender change fem. > masc. in nouns with the suffix *-ti- as well as the gender fluctuation f.//m. (as in OSw. byrp//burper) was caused by the influ-
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between the masculine and neuter,14 thus the neuter gender of Nucko beD may go back to PGerm. *bul-da- n. The corresponding OSw. noun byldf. (Sw. bold) goes back to *bul-di- f. [Olson 1916: 326]. It should be noted that together with forms in *-ido-, *-di-, *-da- there exist forms which might go back to the suffixes *-d-an- (Sw. bolde ‘boil’ [SAOB: B3791]) and *-d-on- (Icel. bdlda f. ‘round-faced woman; small axe’ [Bodvarsson 1993: 115]).
11. dans ‘dance’
In a context in which this noun should be expected, the verbal noun in -ande (see [Mankov 2013c]) is used: Pikana bar оpo dansande LU ‘The girls went to the dances’; Han gipo dansande, de drikk o dans LU ‘He went to a discotheque, to drink and dance.’
|| dans, -ar m. DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 39]; dans, -n, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 71].
12. fis-stjatt (pronounced [fiffiet:] LU, [ fijltjet:] AL), alsofisstjatt АА ‘scolopendra’: Ja vatna trana, o vatne rinndar o rinndar, innot ait hol, o sann komm dartit an fiss-tjatt fron tarfron, fron he hole som vatne rann 'inn. Han var santimdtra tjti, tjti-famm loyar, an stUran, fiyyas-tjokkar, som lill fiyare, o rear. He var az grimmt fore me 'fron-en. Tom sai, an dom o bitas LU ‘I was watering the trees, and the water is running and running into a hole, and then a scolo-pendra came out of there, from the hole that the water was running into. It was about 20-25 centimetres long, big, as thick as a finger, and red. It really scared me. They say that they also bite.’
|| This noun is absent from Vendell’s and Danell’s dictionaries. The first component may be related to Icel.fis n. ‘chaff; wound’ (e.g. in compounds fishall or halfis ‘sore heel’ [Bodvarsson 1993: 206]), to Russ. пихать, PIE. *peis-/ pis- ‘grind’; see [Pokorny 1959: 796]. The second component is stjatt ‘tail.’ The second component in barefis (§ 8.8 above) does not belong here and goes back to the homonymic PIE. root *peis- ‘blow.’
13. foss ‘rapids; current’: Fossnjar stUran LU ‘The current is strong’; Umm-de rokar bra, so kann-de do roka 'tit, a umm ant, so kann han fossndersg. bara o ma-de, o kann-de an drunken 'o, fore he vriss, he vatne, to-e fltitar, o he jar hole stutt, stUran foss. Tata var nast oss, to ve var dte Север LU ‘If you swim well, you can swim out there, and if you don’t, well, that current can carry you away, and you can even drown, because it twists, that water, when it flows, and it’s very strong, a strong current. This was at our place, when we lived in Север’ (i.e., in the Komi ASSR).
|| -n -ar, -a m. [Karlgren 1953: 17].
14. frost only sg. ‘frost’: Eda he jar kallt, stUran frost LU ‘Today, there is a cold, hard frost’; Eda va-dar starkar frost LU ‘Today there was a hard frost’;
ence of masculine nouns with the suffix *-tu- and—in Scandinavian languages—by the influence of masculine i-stems [Olson 1916: 465-466].
14 See examples in [Kluge 1926: § 117].
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Traske ant a frose 'fast, um dar ant a vare iqa frost MP ‘The river would not freeze over if there wasn’t a frost.’
|| frost only sg., n. DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 59]. In the dialect of Nucko ‘frost’ is frrnsa, -n, -r, -0 m.; KeD, -e only sg., f.; take, -n only sg., m. [Danell 1951: 112, 236, 432].
15. -fras in blu-fras ‘boil’: Ja hav tfo blu-frasarVL^ po armen, ter var blu o var dehup. Ja gi ot больница, ja kunnt do ant arbet. No, ja fi toa toe tom stukka ma arma, ja kunnt do ant gara iqatiq ant ma han armen. Ja va-to atota doar haim ma tan armen. He mado varafarkilat, ve fi var frtis litepo vegen som ve ked? LU ‘I had two boils on my arm, there was blood and pus together. I went to the hospital, I really wasn’t able to work. Well, I had to carry those beams with my arms, I really wasn’t able to do anything with that arm. After that I had to spend eighteen days at home because of that arm. It was probably because of the cold, and didn’t we really freeze a little on the way we were taking?’ (i.e., in the Komi ASSR, said with bitter irony).
16. galt ‘hog’
|| galt, -arm. DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 64]; gait, -tn, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 122].
17. god ‘yard; enclosure; fence’: gra-god ‘cemetery’; gass-god ‘enclosure for geese’; flaita-god ‘wicker fence’; ina-god ‘middle of the yard’; kirke-god ‘church yard’; kol-god (see [Mankov 2010a: § 53] on the shortening of long vowels in compounds) ‘flood-meadow’; milla-god ‘fence between yards’; nagod ‘cattle pen’; rigod/rigged ‘vegetable garden’; trisk-god ‘threshing yard’; tra-god ‘orchard’; vin-god ‘vineyard’; go 'tit otgodndersg. ‘go out to the yard’; Ko sto-de hertitpo godnDersg., kum 'inn ot stjtie LU ‘Why are you standing in the yard, come into the house’; Tom site tartit toe godndersg. LU ‘They are sitting out there in the yard’; Ja ba hon Люся, an-on ska kuma ma me, an ve go boar... an ve boar go ot gragodn def sg. LU ‘I asked that Lyusya (LU’s neighbor) to come with me, so that we go both... that we both go to the cemetery’; Hanas sonn levd ant 'var-on, a komm de holp-on, grava riggodndersg. nast-on LU ‘Her son didn’t live with her, but came to help her, dug the garden at her place’; Hon gifron herfrdn, girm folkes rigodti 15DERSa, tfatt ive LU ‘She went from here, through people’s gardens, straight across’; Far klistra dom trana po lande e tmgodnDE¥Sa LU ‘Before, they used to whitewash the trees in the orchard on the steppe.’
In an interview with EU the genuine dialect form godn/-n occurred alongside [go:rden], which is probably an orthographic pronunciation of Sw. garden. In the plural EU cited tfo godnar ‘two yards,’ tom godnar ‘those yards.’
15 It should be noted that the definite form rigodn occurs here after the genitive folkes (def. sg. form). The definite form of nouns after the genitive is a common regularity in the dialect, cf. min bruasOERSa htisemEsa. ‘my brother’s house,’ tom bo«asDERpi_ger faraldenamlrl. ‘those children’s parents,’ etc. [Mankov 2010b: § 25].
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|| gad, -arm. DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 75]; gaD, -n, -ar, -a m. [Karlgren 1953: 17]; goD, -n, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 141].
18. gris ‘piglet’: ska -gris ‘hedgehog’; fo grisar ‘to farrow’; Um-de hitt toe bin an gris, so keft-de-en o fed 'upp-en o slafta-en LU ‘If you found a piglet in the village, so you bought it and fattened it and slaughtered it’; To svine ska fo grisarPL, so tar-on 'inn halm toe munn o slapar-e de an ruka po he stalle som-on for grisaBERPL LU ‘When the pig is about to farrow, she gathers straw in her mouth and pulls it into a heap to make a place to give birth’; Konn grava-dom ner tom o-due grisaBEEPE? LU ‘Where did they bury dead piglets?’
|| gris, -arm. DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 71]; gris, -n, -er, -e m. [Danell 1951: 132].
19. grud ‘potato sprout’ (also f.): Katufl byrjar rai vaks, han har rai grUdarPB po se LU ‘Potatoes start sprouting (“growing”), there are sprouts on them.’
|| grodd, -arm. ‘sprout; fetus of animals’ NOW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 72]; grod, -a, -ar, -ana f. [Danell 1951: 132].
20. gradd only sg. ‘cream; sour cream’: friskar gradd som ja grad laitra LU ‘fresh cream that I just skimmed’; Fron han graddnBEFSG, som ve hav laitra, ken ve sann smer LU ‘From the cream that we had skimmed we churn butter later’; Umm-de vill, so kann-de smare-dom me povi'dl, haldar dti toe graddnBEFSG. LU ‘If you want, you can spread them (pancakes) with jam or dunk them in the cream.’
|| gradd only sg., m. GNOW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 73]; grad, -in only sg., m. [Danell 1951: 135].
21. grait only sg. ‘porridge’: golagrins-grait or gola -grait ‘millet porridge’; havargrins-grait ‘oatmeal porridge’; kungrins-grait ‘barley porridge’; mana-grait ‘semolina porridge’; risgrins-grait ‘rice porridge’; GraitnBEFSG. jar vadar-brandar LU ‘The porridge is burnt’; GraitnBEESG. jar allan LU ‘There’s no more porridge’ (calque of Russ. каша вся); Ja satt upp de kUkgraitnBEESG, o han brand 'fast LU ‘I set the porridge to cook, and it got burnt.’
|| grait, -ar m. DGRW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 73]; grait, -in, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 137].
22. grans ‘boundary’
|| grans, -ar m. DGNOW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 73]; grans, -in, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 136].
23. hatt ‘hat’: bla m-hatt ‘sunflower’; figar-hatt ‘thimble’; ken-hatt ‘sunflower’
|| hatt, -arm. DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 79]; hat, -in, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 155].
24. has ‘neck; throat’: Gav 'ot-npo hasnBEF SG_ MP ‘Hit him on the back of his neck’ (i.e., because he is being annoying); Brammen o pipan tom brann e hasnBEFSG' LU ‘Vodka and pepper, they burn in the throat.’
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|| has, -arm. DGNO, hass, -arm. NRW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 79]; has/has, -n, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 149].
25. hast ‘horse’: hur-hast “whore-horse,” ‘libertine’; Han jar an bra hur-hast ‘He’s a real whore-horse.’ This noun occurs rarely; the usual word for ‘horse’ in the dialect is aik m. (§ 13.10 below).
|| hast, -ar m. DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 91]; hast, -n, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 175].
26. ive-dail/iva-da il ‘brassiere’
|| ivedail, -ar m. G, ivadail DRW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 97], evudail NO [ibid.: 48] ‘kerchief; cloak’; avo-jail, -n, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 491].
27. is only sg. ‘ice’: is-bita m.3a ‘block of ice’; is-klomp m.1a ‘lump of ice’; is-laggatar ‘ice-covered; icy’; Vagenjar is-laggatar: he ravna o varfrost, ojarvagen fulldar (also tafftar) ma is LU ‘The road is icy: it has rained and there has been frost, and the road is covered in ice (“full with ice”)’; Traske frousfast, isnDERSG. stor rai MP ‘The river has frozen over, ice has already formed’; lsnDERSG jar rai sundar-lendest LU ‘The ice has already melted’; Min bo sinnar, Arvid o Vova, varpo isnDEESG, o han isn var ant tjokkar, tar laifft dom, o so broutest-n girm, han mindare. A tar var-e tolv metra djhft. Bra, an handare var oapo isnDERSG. ‘Both of my sons, Arvid and Vova, were on the ice, and that ice wasn’t thick, they were playing there, and so he broke through the ice, the younger one. And it was twelve metres deep there. It was good that his hands were on the ice.’
|| is, -ar m. DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 98]; is, -n m. [Danell 1951: 181].
28. jast only sg. ‘yeast,’ also n. (as a countable noun jast-riblar is used): Sai, hoss de gara jast-riblar—Fastfo-de kuk han hummol-blummen, hall 'tjand vatne, o ute he kUkat vatne rea-de 'inn mol, o sann dte kold daien kasta-de jastnDE¥SG' 'inn, o han byre sann havjas. О tar kasta-de 'inn tom kliana o sann lagga-de-e utar kvatana, an-e torrkas. Soss bliar-e jast-riblar LU ‘Explain how to make yeast.—First you have to boil the hop blossom, drain the water, and into the boiled water you stir flour, and then you throw the yeast into the cold dough, and then it begins to ferment. And then you throw the bran and then spread it out, so that it gets dry. This is how it becomes yeast.’
|| iast only sg., m. GOW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 97], compare ast m. NO [ibid.: 268]; ast, -n m. [Danell 1951: 191].
29. kapet LU/kabet AL ‘sock’ (< Est. kapet [Lagman 1971a: 59]): Ja nolar kapetaDEKEL' LU ‘I’m darning the socks.’
|| kapet, -arm. GW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 100].
30. kadus/kad[o ]s/kapUs ‘cap’
|| kados, -ar m. G, katus, -ar m. or f. G [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 98, 100]; katas m. [Karlgren 1953: 8]; tobaks-kado§, -a, -ar, -ana f. [Danell 1951:
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433]. Vendell compares katus with Est. katus ‘roof.’ The fluctuation between the voiced and voiceless consonant may go back to Middle Low German kartuse/ karduse.
31. kant ‘edge’
|| kant, -arf. G, m. DNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 99]; kant, -n, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 194].
32. klips ‘bunch’: vi'nagra [t]s-k/ips ‘bunch of grapes’; To vmagrads-klipsarPE^ ligga-de ruka, so byre dom bli blotitar, tom Mammas o Mi blotitar, soss-som dom byre sjtin LU ‘When bunches of grapes lie in a heap, they get squashed and become soft, so they start to rot’; Ja drU 'upp tite stjtie raip-stikkar o band tom vmagrads-klipsaGEPPE^ 'fast, an dom heqe torrar LU ‘I put ropes up in the house and hung the bunches of grapes, so that they hang to get dry.’
|| klips, -ar m. G [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 105].
33. klots ‘log’ (Germ. Klotz m.): Ja soga rai loqatiar-e, o tom klotsaDEPPU liggar rai loqati ar. No for ja klti 'sundar-e LU ‘I sawed it long ago, and those logs have been lying around for a long time. Now I have to cleave it.’
34. -knops in fut-knops ‘ankle’; also in the expression gava knops ‘to beat up; to smack someone’: Ja gavar o[t ]-de knops ‘I’ll slap you.’
|| knops, -n, -ar, -a m. ‘outgrowth,’ also as an interjection [Danell 1951: 208]. Vendell recorded knops, -ar m. ‘bud’ only in the dialect of Ormso and compared it with Germ. Knospe f. ‘bud’ [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 108]. Lagman also included this noun in the list of German loanwords, supposing the metathesis sp > ps [Lagman 1973: 33]. However, the gender difference and phonetic discrepancy make the relationship with the German word unclear. I suggest that knops was derived from knupp ‘bud’ with the diminutive -s- (the same as in, e.g., tups m. ‘bow,’ to tupp m. ‘plait’).
35. knjtit‘knot’: arm(s)-knjtit‘cuff’; bind 'fastpo knjtit‘to tie a knot’; lais ipet knjtitnDEPSG. ‘to untangle the knot’; Ja kann ant bind 'ipet knjtitnDEPEG. LU ‘I can’t untie the knot’; Ja kann ant draa 'inn snere innot stovl-holena, an darjar knjtitarPu po dom, no forja fast bind ipeta-dom, a hoss de lais 'ipet tom knjtitaDEEPE,, to ja ant har iqa nalar? LU ‘I can’t put the shoelace through the eyelets because there are knots on them (sholaces); I have to untangle them (the knots) first, but how do I untie those knots when I don’t have any fingernails?’
|| kmt, -ar m. DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 109]; knmt, -n, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 209].
36. krans ‘wreath’
|| krans, -ar m. GNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 112]; krans, -n, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 220].
37. krant, kran ‘tap’ (< Russ. кран; substandard крант): Kran byrja drtip LU ‘The tap began to leak.’
|| krant, -ar m. G [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 112].
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38. ktitt ‘fir cone’
|| kott, -ar GW m., ktitt, -arm. DN [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 112, 118]; krnt, -n, -ar, -am. [Danell 1951: 226].
39. kvast ‘broom; besom’: kvast-ris n. ‘sorghum’ (plant from which brooms were made); Hon stipa 'htip-e, kvastnDEESG. krapsapo tsemtinte LU ‘She was sweeping, the broom was scraping on the cement’; Kvast-rise, ma he rise bind, dom kvas-tarPL. LU ‘Sorghum, from that grass they make (“bind”) brooms out of’; Tom band kvastaDEEPE^ ma kvast-rise LU ‘They made brooms from sorghum.’
|| kwast, -ar m. DG [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 118], koist, -ar m. O, kost, -ar m. N, kwast, -ar m. RW [ibid.: 110, 111, 120]; host, -тп, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 228].
40. kvtist ‘twig’: Ja slait 'sundar rokken, blai hepjande po an kvtist LU ‘I tore the dress, I caught it on a twig’; Grain brotitest o, o po han kvtistnDEPSG blaija hepjande o slait 'sundar dtiken LU ‘The branch broke, and I got caught on that twig and tore the kerchief’; Tom hogg kvtistaDEEPE. o trana o kasta tom kvtista de brann 'upp LU ‘They sawed the twigs off the trees and threw those twigs into a fire.’
|| ktist, -arm. GN, kwist, -arm. DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 118, 119]; krnst/koist, -n, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 228].
41. kaft ‘mug; mouth’: Gar kaftnDEESG. 'fast, papplar hole mike ‘Shut your trap, you’re talking too much’; Eklat kaftnDEESG! LU ‘Ugly mug!’
|| kj -a, -ar, -a f. ‘lower jaw’ [Danell 1951: 232]. The masculine gender, preserved in Gammalsvenskby, is original (compare OSw. kiapter, Icel. kjaftur m.).
42. karps ‘pumpkin,’ (humorously) ‘head’: riska karpsar “Russian pumpkins” (fed to livestock); tiska karpsar “German pumpkins” (eaten by people); Ma karpsarPL. stillt ve buskan, ot oss sole damt ve dom, gjtid pirakar. He jar bra ot sjtine de jata karps LU ‘We fed animals with pumpkins, for us ourselves we stewed them, made pies. It’s good to eat pumpkins’; KarpsnDEESG ktikar an lite LU ‘I’m still able to think clearly’; Ja rivar 'sundar gtirkar haldar karpsarPL., sann blondar ja 'htip-e ma tom kliana o gavar-e otpattuqa o ot tom sttir gasse 'o LU ‘I grate cucumbers or pumpkins, then I mix it with bran and give it to the ducklings and to the big geese as well.’
|| Compare Germ. Ktirbis m. ‘pumpkin; head,’ Est. korvits [Lagman 1973: 56].
43. ktitt ‘core of a boil’: To de har btildar, tite han btildn jar ktitt tarinn. O so loqati ar som han ktittnDERSG. jar tarinn e btildn, rtitnar-e se LU ‘When you have boils, in that boil there is a core inside. And as long as that core is inside the boil, it rots.’
|| This noun is absent from Vendell’s and Danell’s dictionaries. It is related to Sw. kortel ‘gland’ (with the obsolete meaning ‘thickening in flesh; boil’ [SAOB: K3858]), OSw. kirtil m. Regarding the phonetic change i > o/ti, see sttivel/stovel (§ 10.31 below). Judging by Sw. kortel, the form ktitt: replaced
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*ktittal or *ktittol in Gammalsvenskby due to the reanalysis of the definite sg. form *ktitten (regular for *ktittal/ktittol) > ktitt-en. Examples of the same reanalysis are trisk ‘threshold’ (compare Sw. troskel) and kvarv (alongside kvarval ‘latch,’ § 10.19 below).
Forms from cognate dialects demonstrate the metathesis of r: kriX, pl. kriXlarf. NORW, krall, -ern. ‘gland’ DW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 113, 115]; kril, -a, -ar, -ana f. ‘gland’ [Danell 1951: 221]; Sw. dial. krittel, krissel [SAOB: K2855].
44. -last in hivol-last/havol-last ‘plane’ (tool): To de havlar hraa, me havol-lastnBEESG, so Mi tom kanuna LU ‘When you plane a board, with a plane, you get wood shavings.’
|| Compare haval, pl. havlar m. DG [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 92], hevalm. W [ibid.: 81]; havok, -oq, -kar, -ka m. [Danell 1951: 170].
45. mat ‘food’; ‘kernel of a nut’: im-mat ‘entrails.’
|| mat only sg., m. DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 143]; mat, -П m. [Danell 1951: 268].
46. putt ‘gate’: Farr po svanska gragodn, tar va-dar tit-ladar ma stainar gragodss-puttndef.sg - Tom tu tan puttnDEF.SG. titar kvatana. Tar var о an stain-mtir, tu dom о titar kvatana LU ‘Before, at the Swedish graveyard, there was a graveyard gate, faced with stone. They pulled this gate to pieces. There was also a stone wall, they also tore it to pieces.’
|| pot, -arm. GNORW, f. D [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 165]; pot- in the compounds poplos n. ‘gate lock,’ poplikok m. ‘gate key,’ pot-vaft n. ‘doorkeeper’ [Isberg 1970: 248].
47. rost only sg.; also n. ‘rust’: rostas ‘to rust’; rostas 'hott ‘to rust away’; rostatar and rostndar ‘rusty’
|| rost only sg., m. D or n. GNO [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 175]; rost, -e only sg., n. [Danell 1951: 329].
48. saft only sg. ‘juice’ (< Germ. Saft m.): Ja hallt min skjott ma saft LU ‘I spilled juice on my shirt’; Ve vaska о kavna, skola dom o sann kuka han saftnBEE SG. fron kavna, tat-n ant hliar stinndar. О kumar-e sann som povidl LU ‘We washed the watermelons, peeled them, and then cooked that juice from the watermelons until it gets thickened. It eventually becomes like jam.’
|| saft, -ar m. DGN, f. O, n. RW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 181; Isberg 1970: 267].
49. skiss ‘small scythe’ (< Ukr. стсок)
|| This word is absent from Vendell’s and Danell’s dictionaries.
50. skratt‘devil’: Konntjol tarvar ja de, an slikarskrattLU ‘What do I need you for, such a devil’; SkrattnBEESG, vait-e ‘The devil only knows’; Skrattn0ПРЕД. a tae 'mUt-n ‘Let the devil take him!’; Far skrattnBEESG, a tae 'mUt-n LU ‘Let the devil take him!’
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|| skratt, -ar m. ‘spectre,’ skrattn ‘the devil’ DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 194]; skrat, -n m. [Danell 1951: 360].
51. snurr ‘snout’: svin-sntir AL ‘snout of a pig,’ gr[i]s-sntirr AL ‘snout of a piglet’; Ja satt 'inn an гщ tite sntirrenDEESG, an-e ant bukar LU ‘I fixed a ring in the snout, so that it doesn’t root.’
In interviews with AL sntirr, -en occurred alongside sntir, sntin, sntirar, sntira m.1c. In interviews with LU: sntirr, -(e)n, -ar, -ana.
|| snar, -n, -ar, -a m. [Karlgren 1953: 18]. Vendell recorded this noun only as an element of the compound snurrspir, -ar f. ‘whisker’ W [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 204].
52. spits ‘sharp end’: sond-spits ‘sandspit’; spits ‘to sharpen’; spitsatar ‘prickly’; spits-nasatar ‘sharp-nosed’
|| spits, -arm. DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 207]; spets, -n, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 385].
53. stjatt ‘tail of birds and fish’;fiskas stjatt AA,fisk-stjatt AL ‘fishtail’
|| stiatt, -ar m. DGRW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 214], compare statt, -ar m. NO [ibid.: 220]; staq, -n, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 396].
54. svait only sg. ‘sweat’: svait-ltift n. ‘smell of sweat’; svaitas ‘to sweat’; svaitatar ‘sweaty’; Dtiken var so solkatar o Itiftast att (also fron) svait, an vatne blai svatt LU ‘The kerchief was so dirty and stank so much of sweat that the water turned black.’
|| swaitt only sg., m. DGRW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 225]; svait, -n m. [Danell 1951: 408].
55. surest only sg. ‘cottage cheese’: stirest-vatn n. ‘whey’; Hon red 'hup stirest me gradd ot se de jata LU ‘She mixed together cottage cheese with cream to eat’; Han stirestnDEESG. klammar ja 'sunda-n, grinar 'sundar-en milla han-dare... O sann braiar ja ive марля o halldar 'inn han kuka stirestnGEEG tite he solde... Po an kilo kukande stirestnDEESG. tassn lagga-de 'inn an jataspon-ftilldar salt LU ‘That cottage cheese, I squeeze it, grind it in the hands... And then I stretch cheesecloth and pour that boiled cottage cheese into the sieve... For a kilo of this boiled cottage cheese you put in a spoonful of salt.’
|| sarast [Karlgren 1924: 47]. According to Karlgren, the first component goes back to Est. soir, Russ. сыр. In the dialect of Nucko ‘cottage cheese’ is sarmokks-ast m. [Danell 1951: 406].
56. tass ‘cup’ (< Germ. Tasse f. [Lagman 1973: 48]): kofe-tass ‘coffee cup’; Ja tonast, vilt toa tassnDERSG. LU ‘I reached out, I wanted to take the cup.’
|| tass, -ar m. G [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 230]; tas, -a, -ar, -ana f. ‘tea saucer’ [Danell 1951: 427].
57. tass ‘paw’: hunda-tass ‘dog’s paw’; Katta holdar 'o de laik me gon-nikla, he rammlar, o hon kan 'an slo 'att-n me tassaDERPL. LU ‘The cat likes to play with a ball of yarn, it (the yarn) rolls around, and it can still push it with its paw.’
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|| tass, -arm. DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 230].
58. tont АL, tomt АP ‘goblin’ (also tonte-gubb)
|| tont, -ar m. DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 235]; tout, -n, -er, -e m. [Danell 1951: 434].
59. tot ‘ear (of grass)’: Darjar totarpo grase, he kumar 'tit som aks-atich, soss -som po si jar totar, ter konn si vaksar. O to plu kka ve tom grass-totana 'hup o band kransar ot osspo htie LU ‘There are ears on the grass, they are like ears, just like on cereals there are ears, where they grow. And so we picked those ears and bound wreaths to wear on our heads.’
|| tat, -ar m. ‘piece of string’ DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 243]; tot, -n, -ar, -a m. ‘piece of string.’
60. -tit in to-tit ‘tip of string’
The first component is cognate to Sw. tag ‘rope’; the second component, tit, is not found in Vendell’s or Danell’s dictinaries. It may be cognate to Sw. titta ‘nipple’ [SAOB: T1635].
61. tratt ‘funnel’
|| tratt, -arm. DGO [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 237]; trait, -n, -ar, -a m. [Isberg 1970: 340].
62. tri-fiit/tre-fut ‘tripod’ (used to put bread in the oven): Ma grulaka krapsa-de aska utar kvatana, o sata-de trifutnDE¥SG, o po han triftitnD¥¥SG^ boka-pannana ma bri LU ‘With the poker you rake the ashes aside, and you set the tripod, and on that tripod the roasting pans with bread.’
|| trifot, -fetir m. DGRW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 237].
63. trat ‘spout’
|| trnt, -arm. DGNRW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 239]; trmt, -n, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 441].
64. tups ‘bow’ (of cloth)
|| tups, -ar m. ‘tuft; plait’ DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 242]; trnps, -n, -ar, -am. ‘tuft’ [Danell 1951: 433]; topsm. [Isberg 1970: 337].
65. uks ‘ox’: Tjtin han jar ant tit-skure, a uksnD¥¥SGjar tit-skurendar ‘Tjtir is not castrated, whereas uks is castrated.’
|| uks, -ar m. DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 246]; oks, -n, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 306].
66. vaks only sg. ‘height; stature’: Han jar houar po vaksnDERSG. ‘He is tall in stature’; Tom jara boar 'aitt po vaksn ‘They are the same height’; Hon jar lill (stur) po vaksnDERSG. LU ‘She’s small (big) in stature.’
11 Vendell recorded vaks (alongside vakst) only in Vippal, and in the other dialects, including Gammalsvenskby, vakst, -ar//-ir m. [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 260]. Danell recorded it only in compounds, e.g. gras-vakst ‘growth of grass’ [Danell 1951: 137]; compare vakst m. ‘tumor’ [Isberg 1970: 373].
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67. vad ‘world’; ute vadn LU ‘in the world’; Kott-dom ker oss, ter ker ve, um haila vadenDERSG., hoss tiske ked oss. Me ko an dom still oss, so jata ve. Ve fi mike LU ‘Where they drive us, there we go, across the whole world, just as the Germans drove us. With what they feed us, so we eat. We lived through a lot’; Sluftjar-e o e vadn DERSG. LU ‘There’s also such a thing in the world’; He jar rai tiarpo han vadnDERSG. MP (calque of Russ. пора на тот свет) ‘It’s time to go to the other world.’
|| vxdf. DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 261]; vaf -e f. [Da-nell 1951: 476]. These forms preserve the feminine gender, original for this noun. The masc. gender in the present-day Gammalsvenskby is probably due to the association with Russ. мир m.
68. aild ‘(camp)fire; fire; electricity’: aild-gnista n. ‘spark’; aild-stain m. ‘flint’; aild ‘to heat up’; Tjen ant iqa aild 'upp ‘Don’t make a fire’; Slakk 'tit aildnDEESG, an-en ant rtikar maiar LU ‘Put out the fire, so that it doesn’t smoke any more’; Ja slafft 'tit aildnDEESG, man han rtikar ailes, blai 'an an varke-bita 'otar, o han rtikar 'an opd LU ‘I’ve put out the fire, but it’s still smoking, there’s still a piece of wood left and it’s still smoking away’; Eda var ant iqa aild, tom ktika po gaz, so var attare ant bloutar LU ‘There was no electricity today, they cooked on the gas, so the peas weren’t soft.’
|| ail(d), -arm. DGRW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 265]; add, -n, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 89].
69. udd ‘sharp end’: sjolva spitts-uddn ‘the very tip.’
|| udd, -ar m. DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 248]; md, -n, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 450].
70. ust ‘cheese’: Soss fo-de gara ustnDERSG. 'fades. Han surestn som ja hallt 'tjand (som ja gjud fron he sjtir-molke), klammar ja 'sunda-n, grinar 'sundar-en milla handare. O sann halldar jafrist molk, ant laitrat (tar kann-de 'o toa laitrat molk) o sann satar ja 'upp-e de kuk, o fo-de sto o rear-e maseditt, tat-e ant byre ktikas. O sann tar ja solde, o sann braiar ja ive марля o halldar 'inn han kuka surestn ute he solde. O sann klanka-de 'upp-e, an he vatne drtips 'tjand. To-e bliar kallt, so bliar-e skarft som an stain, so fo-de ant iqa reda 'po-en. Sosssom-en jar haitar o drtipar 'an, lagga-de 'inn-e ot fate. Po an kilo kukande surestn tassn lagga-de 'inn an jataspon-fulldar salt o an tespon-fulldar soda o hundra gramm smer, o so fo-de rear-e otar, tat-n ant byre taias. O so jar ustnDERSG. fades LU ‘This is the way you have to make cheese. That cottage cheese which I strained (which I made from that sour milk), I squeeze it, grind it in the hands. And then I pour fresh milk, not skimmed (there you can also take skimmed milk), and then I set it up to boil, and you have to stand and stir it all the time, until it starts to boil. And then I take the sieve, and then I stretch cheesecloth and pour that boiled cottage cheese into the sieve. And then you hang it up so that the water trickles away. If you let it get cold, it gets as hard as a stone, so
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you get no good of it. While it is hot and is still dripping, you put it on the dish. For a kilo of this boiled cottage cheese you put in a spoonful of salt and one teaspoonful of soda and a hundred grams of butter, and so you have to stir it again until it starts to stretch. And so the cheese is ready.’
|| tist, -arm. DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 249]; iust, -n, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 304].
Type m. 1c
§ 9. In this type belong nouns whose stems end in l and r. A distinguishing feature is -n (< -l-n, -r-n) in the definite singular.16
According to Karlgren, at the time of his research, monosyllabic nouns with stems in l had the retroflex n in the definite sg.: ston (sto§ ‘chair’). Nouns with stems in r (both monosyllabic and disyllabic) had n in the def. sg.: bun (bur ‘cage’) [Karlgren 1953: 18]. In the dialect of Nucko, monosyllabic nouns in l had the fusion ln > n (occasionally also n) in the def. sg.: stop. In nouns whose stems end in r, the fusion rn > n does not take place: brnrn (def. sg. of brnr ‘cage’). Disyllabic nouns fluctuate between the dental and postalveolar n in the def. sg. [Danell 1905-1934: 49, 103].
§ 10. The following nouns of this type have occurred in the interviews:
1. bugar ‘type of plough’ (< Germ. Bucker): Ute han bugandefsg. sata-de 'unde aiken o a-de ma-en LU ‘You fasten this bugar to the horse and plough with it.’
|| bugr, -ar m. G [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 34]; bugger [Karlgren 1924: 31]. According to Karlgren, this type of plough was invented by South Russian Germans and replaced in Gammalsvenskby the plough called sak. Regarding the correlation between ck (in Bucker) and g (in bugar), it should be noted that the voicing of k and the alternation k/g in intervocalic position is widespread both in Gammalsvenskby and in cognate dialects. Examples: diken MP, dikn AL alongside digen LU ‘twenty-four hours’; viku AL and vigu LU; hako ‘chin,’ kaku ‘cake,’ tikol ‘brick’ and hagu, kagu, tigal in the dialect of Dago [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 76, 98, 232]; nagu and naku ‘looks; appearance’ NW [ibid.: 157, 158]; staka and staga ‘table-glass’ G [ibid.: 219]; spikar GNORW and spigar D ‘pantry’ [ibid.: 206].
2. bur ‘cage’
|| bur, -arm. DGNRW, -ern. O [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 36]; bmr/ bar, -n, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 60].
3. digar LU, dikar MP AL ‘ten’ (def. sg. diken AL, digan LU; pl. dikrar, digrar; def. pl. digra, dikrana, digrana): an digar aggar ‘ten eggs’; An digar jar
16 See [Mankov 2010b: § 12.3] on the fluctuation between n and n in the definite singular of nouns terminating in l, r.
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tistikke LU ‘One digar means ten’; tfo digra0EE PL. LU ‘two tens’; tri digrarm0ERPL. LU ‘three tens’17
This noun was originally a м-stem and should have had a vowel alternation in the root (like sonn ‘son,’ pl. sinnar); compare OSw. tjugher, tiogher, pl. tighir m. ‘ten’ (noun). The singular forms dikar/digar go back to the plural tighir, having supplanted the original singular form: instead of *an tjtig ‘ten’ (which would be a phonetically regular form) one began to say an tigar by analogy with tfo tigar ‘two tens; score,’ after which the noun went over to type m.1c. The form dikar with initial d instead of t can be explained through a metathesis of voicing: *tigar > dikar. The form digar instead of *tigar is probably due to assimilation in reference to voicing.18 Alternatively, digar may have appeared due to the voicing of k in dikar.
11 dikar, pl. dikra m. (according to Tiberg’s note, the plural in -a occurs only after numerals) [Karlgren 1953: 19].
4. djavol (def. sg. djavan) ‘devil’
|| diwval, pl. diwvlar m. G [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 41]; davok, also diavol, diavok [Danell 1951: 75].
5. doftor ‘doctor’ (< Russ. or Germ.). Forms of this noun having occurred in the interviews:
Sg. Def. sg. Pl. Def. pl.
MP doftar doftan doftrar doftrana
LU doftar doftan doftrar doftarna
AL doftor dofton doftrar doftora
Unstressed a instead of о in doftar appeared under the influence of bugar, jigar, and other nouns in -ar. Phonetically regular plural forms of doftor are *doftorar, def. doftora (unstressed о is not syncopated in the dialect [Mankov 2010b: § 39]). The syncopated plural forms doftrar, doftrana derive from doftar rather than doftor.
|| doftor, -erm. G [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 42]; doftar, -an/-aq, -er, -e m. [Danell 1951: 75].
6. eyol ‘maggot’: Flou skait ut-se po he kate haldar po fiska. O iylarEL, tom site ant oapo, a kroka 'inn djipare, o tom vuzl tarinn ute he kate LU ‘The fly laid maggots in the meat or in the fish. And maggots, they don’t sit above but crawl deeper inside, and they swarm there in that meat’; Kate har iylarPL. ute se, to kan о ant si-dom, tom iyladef pl., man to-de byre skoa batrare, so kan-de si,
17 In the last two examples a fluctuation between the def. pl. digra and indef. pl. digrar takes place after a numeral.
18 An example of a distant assimilation with reference to quality is sustar < sustar ‘shoemaker’ (compare Lat. quinque ‘five’ < *penkwe).
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an-e r[e ]ss (< rers) tarinn LU ‘There are maggots in the meat, you still can’t see them, those maggots, but when you start to look closer, you can see that it is moving in there.’
Compare Germ. Egel m. ‘leech’ and Engerling m. ‘grub of a cockchafer’ [Danell 1951: 179; Lagman 1973: 23]. The form iqol is possibly a result of the contamination of these words.
11 eggler only pl., m. G ‘pinworm’ [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 48]; eggo§, egg§a, -§ar, -§a f. ‘leech’ [Danell 1951: 179].
7. fM ‘ bird’: FtilaDEFPL. jara hott-flоe AL LU MP ‘The birds have flown away.’
||^wl, -arm. G,ful, -arm. DGNO [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 53, 61], comparefol, -ar m. RW [ibid.: 58]; fmk/fok, fmn/fmi, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 116].
8. gammen ‘grandfather’ (*gammol-n “the old one,” def. sg.): Ja kumar e hon-e min mamases far, gammen: to ja var lill, komm 'upp nast mur-mUr, so satt gammen 'po oss de kroka 'inn hakom hUdepo lasa (ter var ain hrai las, ter kann-de an laggjas 'ner de soapo-on), o murmur haist 'inn fron kaven som dom kUka (he kumar 'tit som kavens-huniqe haldar siropen). Ter kann-de 'o hall 'tjol lite friskargradd. Gammen satt sann 'po de toa an hre-hita o dejata LU ‘I remember my mother’s father, Grandad: when I was little, I came to my grandmother’s place, so Grandad ordered us to climb onto the bench behind the table (there was a broad bench, you could even lay down to sleep on it), and Grandma scooped out of a watermelon that they were cooking (it is like watermelon honey or syrup). You can also pour a little fresh cream into it also. Grandad ordered us to take a bit of bread and to eat.’
9. gavol (also stjti-gavol) ‘gable’: seqe-gavol ‘headboard’; stUl-gavol, -an ‘back of a chair’; Ja vait, an gamma keft ter ain seq ot me, o hon var ma jendar gavol...jen gavla rPL. ‘I know that Grandma bought a bed for me there, and it was with an iron board... iron boards.’
The following forms occurred in interviews with MP and LU: gavol, gavan/gaven, gavlar, gavlana. In interviews with AL: gavol, gavan, gavnar, gavna (gavnar is a plural form of type m.1d; compare kavnar pl. of kaven ‘watermelon’).
|| gaval DGRW, gavul NO, -lar m. [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 65]; gavo§, -on, -§ar, -§a m. [Karlgren 1953: 18]; gavok/gavok, -on, -§ar, -§a m. [Danell 1951: 124].
10. himmal only sg. ‘sky’: Ve var unde har himmen tfo vikur MP ‘We were under the open sky for two weeks’; HimmenDEFSG jar klaran, dar jar ant iqa an mole-klomp 'po-n LU ‘The sky is clear, there’s not a cloud in it’; HimmenDEFSG jar molendar, he kan gava raven LU ‘The sky is overcast, it might rain’; Far var himmon fulldar ma stjenar, a no sinas dom ant, kann hara mon lis LU ‘In the
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past, the sky used to be full of stars, but now they aren’t visible, only the moon can shine’ (i.e., you can only see the moon and not the stars).
The form himmal occurred in interviews with LU. AL cites the following forms: himm(a)l, def. sg. himm(a)l (type m.1d) / himm(a)ln (type m.1b); in these forms l instead of l is due to the influence of Germ. Himmel and Sw. himmel.
|| himmal, -lar m. DG, himul NO, himal RW [Freudenthal, Ven-DELL 1886: 81]; himok, himon, himkar, himka m. [Danell 1951: 159].
11. hummol (def. sg. humman AL) only sg. ‘hop’ (plant). In an interview with LU this noun occurred with a neuter def. sg. form hummle.
|| hummal only sg., m. DGW, compare humul NO, humal D, htimmal R [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 86]; homok/homok, -oq m. [Danell 1951: 166].
12. huyar ‘hunger’: huya-tin m. 2a (def. sg.) ‘famine; the time of starvation’; Ja orkar iyatiy ant fore huyan D EFSG. ‘I can’t do anything because I’m so hungry’; Ute huyatin blai mike dear LU ‘In the time of famine many died.’
|| huggor only sg., m. G, compare huggur m. O [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 86]; hoggor, -oq m. [Danell 1951: 167].
13. jegar ‘hunter’ (< Germ. Jager). Instead of a specific definite singular form (jegan, occurring in interviews with LU), AL uses the indefinite form, which is typical of loanwords.
|| iegor, -er m. G [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 93], compare iwgar O, ixgor, -er m. RW [ibid.: 97]; iagar, -aq/-an, -er, -e m. [Danell 1951: 182].
14. klOndrar only pl. ‘clods of dry dung or mud’: Ktida holdar о de varm se e skone, hon kann laggjas 'ner tite-e de bosa se. He bliar som klondrar 'umm-on LU ‘The cow likes to warm itself in the dung, it can lie down in it to warm itself. It (the dung) forms clods on it (i.e., on the cow).’
11 Compare the verb klondor ‘rumble,’ recorded only in Vippal (according to Vendell, it goes back to Middle Low German klundern) [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 105].
15. kolendar ‘calender’ (< Est. kalender or Germ. Kalender).
According to both AL and LU, the definite singular form is the same as the
indefinite, which is typical of loanwords; pl. kolendar LU, kolendrar AL; def. pl. kolendarna LU, kolendra AL.
|| kalendor (indef. and def. sg. are not distinguished) [Karlgren 1953: 18] ; kaiondor [Danell 1951: 192]; kalendor m. [Isberg 1970: 146].
16. kol only sg. ‘cabbage’: blumm-kol ‘cauliflower’; salt 'inn konDefsg. ‘to pickle cabbage’; To holdar o sjtiran kol? ‘Do you like sauerkraut?’; Fast: skarja kon def sg., sann rear ja 'hup-e ma salt o laggar' inn-e tite kastrtill, an stUran, o tat-n raijar sjtiran, so laggar ja ' inn-en tite butlar, tite tri-litas, o gar 'fast dom ma ka-pronove loke. He tarvas to ant vask ' o-en. A to-de har-en tite tunna, to fo-de lagge
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slarv ' po-en, klamm ' inn-en тщви 'umm e tunna o lagge lokepo, sann lagga-de titt vift, an stain oapo. O tar fo-de toa ' tjand hon slarva o skjole 'tit-on, ales kann-on bli luftat. Soss loa ve ' inn sjtiran ko/INDERSG. (also han sjtir konDEFSG) LU ‘First, I cut the cabbage, then I mix it with salt and put it in a saucepan, a big one, and when it gets sour, I put it in jars, in three-litre (jars), and close it with a nylon lock. It’s not necessary to wash it then. But when you have it in a barrel, then you have to put a cloth on it, fix it around the barrel and put the lock on, then you put a weight there, a stone on top. And there you have to take away the cloth and rinse it, otherwise it can become smelly. This is the way we made sauerkraut.’
|| kal only sg., m. DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 120]; kok, def. sg. koN m. [Danell 1951: 23l].
17. kriyal ‘bagel’ (< Germ. Kringel m.).
Cognate dialects retain the original feminine form (compare Icel. kring-la, diminutive of kringr ‘ring’): kriggal DGRW, kriggul NO, -lar DGNO, -ler RW f. [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 113]; kriggok, -ka, -kar, -kana f. [Danell 1951: 221].
18. kvildar ‘(late) evening’: jtil-kvildar ‘Christmas Eve’; tjol kvildn ‘towards the evening’; umm kvildn ‘in the evening’; Ge-kvSldar! ‘Good evening!’; Eda har-e blast haila daen, kannski lotar-e 'o tjol kvildnDEESG. de Mis LU ‘Today it has been blowing the whole day, maybe it will stop blowing towards the evening.’
In the root [e:] and [ei] are heard alongside i [e:']. The noun is declined irregularly: in the singular the stem is kvildar, in the plural kvild-. The following forms have occurred in interviews:
Sg. Def. sg. Pl. Def. pl.
MP kvildar kvilden kvildar kvildana
LU kvildar kvildn kvildar//kvildnar//kvildarar kvilda(na)//kvildena
AL kvildar kvild(a)n kvildar kvilda(na)
The most consistent forms were cited by MP. LU’s def. sg. form kvildn with syncopated e (instead of the expected kvildan or kvilden) can be explained through analogy with type m.1b. The pl. form kvildnar is caused by the influence of vavnar, kavnar. In kvildarar the plural ending -ar is attached directly to the singular stem. In the definite plural form kvildena, the ending -ena may be a vestige of the neuter paradigm (the neuter gender is preserved in the dialect of Nucko).
|| kwelddr, pl. kweldar m. DG, kwall, -ar m. GW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 119, 120], compare kweld, -erm. RW [ibid.: 119], koild, -arf. O [ibid.: 110], kwild, -ern. N [ibid.: 119]; koild/koild, -e, -er, -ena n. [Danell 1951: 229].
19. kvarvol/kvarval ‘latch’: Han kvarvan DEF SG.. jar Ute stalle hoka: hann jar fast-spikka ma spikken, an-en vriss; de kann vri-en LU ‘That latch is in the place of the hook. It is nailed with a nail, so that it turns; you can turn it.’
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The following forms have occurred:
Sg. Def. sg. Pl. Def. pl.
LU kvarvol/-al kvarven/ kvarvan kvarvlar kvarvla
AL kvarvar, kvarv kvarven kvarvar kvarva//kvarvare
The form kvarvar appeared due to the influence of nouns in -ar (e.g. vintar ‘winter’); the form kvarv appeared through the reanalysis kvarven > kvarv-en in the definite sg.
|| kverval, -larm. D [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 118].
20. likdl/-ol ‘key’: skrti-likal ‘screwdriver’; Ja kann ant vri umm likandef. SG. LU ‘I can’t turn the key’; Ja kann ant draa 'tit likan def.sg. LU (liken MP) ‘I can’t get the key out’; Ja tappa hott likkladerpl. LU ‘I’ve lost the keys.’
In def. pl. (in contact with l) k can lengthen: likkla.
|| likal DGR, likul NO, -lar m. [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 126]; likok, -on, -kar, -ka m. [Danell 1951: 294].
21. шйт ‘outer wall; stone fence’: gato-mtir ‘the wall that separates the front garden from the street’; stain-mtir ‘stone fence’; Tom mid mtir 'upp LU ‘They built a fence’; Far va-dar alastdll stain-mtirarPL, lays me haila bin. Allar hav mtirarPL,, man summlar hav hegare, summlar hav legare. A grinde summlar hav, summlar hav-e ant, fore he an de tarva hraar, a konn de toa-dom, va-dar ant LU ‘Before, there were stone fences everywhere, all over the village. Everybody had stone fences, but some had higher ones, some had lower. But a wicket gate, some had it, some didn’t, because you needed boards, and where to get them, there weren’t any available.’
|| mUr, -arm. DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 149]; mmr/mor, -n, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 279].
22. nal ‘fingernail’: Hoss de lais ipet tom knjtita, to ja ant har iya nala rPL? LU ‘How do I untie those knots if I don’t have any fingernails?’; Ja farga hore po me, farga lappa po me, farga naladerpl. LU ‘I dyed my hair, put on lipstick, put on nail polish.’
|| nal, -ar m. DGNO [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 153]. In the dialect of Nucko na§ m. means ‘nail’ [Danell 1951: 286], ‘fingernail’ is figgo-yak [ibid.: 100].
23. olddr only sg. ‘age’
|| oldor (pl. not used) m. DGO [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 159]; aldor/oldor, -on/-oy, -rar, -ra m. [Danell 1951: 480].
24. pol ‘pole; peg’: pol 'fast ‘to tie to a pole’; Anpol kann-de slo 'inn ot jude o hind ktida ' fast ‘You can drive a peg into the ground and tie a horse to it.’
|| pal, -ar m. GNOW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 168]; pok, def. sg. poy//pokan, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 319].
25. raspol (-on, -lar, -la) ‘rasp’
I raspok, -oy, -kar, -ka m. [Danell 1951: 322].
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26. snur only sg. ‘snot’: snUratar ‘snotty’; SnUn Defsg. rinndar fron nasa ‘Snot is running down the nose’; Dar jar slik snUrat bonar, an arma glimar fron snUnDeF.pl. LU ‘There are such snotty kids that their sleeves glisten with snot.’
|| snior only sg., m. G, snor m. DGRW, n. NO [Freudenthal, Ven-dell 1886: 202, 203]; snor, -n only sg., m. [Danell 1951: 378].
27. spot ‘lath’: Ute svin-stia kann dar vara po golve ristar, o so fo-de spikk 'fast dom ma spolarPL,, an dom ant brtitfetare 'po se ‘In the pigsty, there can be slits in the floor, so you have to nail them up with laths, so that they don’t break their legs’; Ain Itikka ute svin-stia var ant anda upp de ltift-varke, o tar konn hinse satt, tU svine dom tite viqqan o drU 'inn dom ot se, od 'upp dom, fore he an ltikka var ant anda ' upp de ltift-varke. Tar gehidest de spikk fast spolaDEFPL. De spikk braa 'fast, so kumar ant iqa ltift 'inn ot-n, ot svine LU ‘A door in the pigsty didn’t reach the ceiling, and where the poultry were sitting, the pig grabbed them by the wings and pulled them in and ate them up, because the door didn’t reach the ceiling. It was necessary to nail laths there. But if you nail a board there, there won’t be any air coming in to it, to the pig.’
|| spot, -arm. ‘reel; lath; plank’ DGNORW, compare sputa, -rm. ‘reel’ О, ‘hinge’ G [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 208, 209]; spo§, -on, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 388].
28. spot ‘mirror’: skoa ' inn ot spondefsg. ‘look in the mirror’
|| spot, -arm. [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 210], compare spegutm. N FrV 206, spagat, -tarW, -erR m., spail, -arm. LillR, spwl, -arm. O [ibid.: 209]; spmgok, -on/oN, -§ar, -§a m. [Danell 1951: 384].
29. (jen-)stavar ‘crowbar’: Ma an stavar kann-de sate 'mUt... spann 'titt-n mUt grinde. Soss kann non toa ipet grinde, a soss spant ja 'titt han jen-stavan 'mUt LU ‘With a crowbar you can put... prop the wicket gate. This way someone can open the gate, but this way, when I prop it shut with a crowbar (no one can open it).’
The form in -ol was cited as well: jen-stavol, -stavan, -stavlar, -stavla, where -ol instead of -ar is caused by association with such nouns as gavol, which are identical with nouns in -ar in the definite sg. (gavan = stavan). Compare kalkur ‘turkey,’ vagur ‘cart’ alongside kalkul, vagul in the dialect of Nucko [Danell 1951: 192, 457].
|| stavor DGRW, stavur NO, -rar DGNO, -rer RW m. [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 212]; stavor/stavor, -on/oq, -rar, -ra m. [Danell 1951: 393].
30. stut ‘chair’: kristne-stUl ‘font’; vav-stUl ‘loom’; Han stUnDef sg., ait bain jar kottare, byrja mtilken, o no kaiklar-e LU ‘That chair, (which has) one shorter leg, began to moulder, and now it’s unsteady’; StUn DEF.SG. ant a vare sundar-brtitest umm-de ant a vare upp-sattestpo-en LU ‘The chair wouldn’t have broken if you hadn’t sat on it.’
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|| stol, -arm. DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 215]; sto§, -on/ -oq, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 397].
31. sttival/sttivol (also stoval) ‘shoe; boot’: stovl-holenaDERPL. ‘holes for laces in boots’; stoval-bond ‘lace for boots’; laggjat sttiv}ar ‘tall boots’; skrill-stovlar ‘skates’; bind ipet snerena po stovladerpl. ‘to untie laces on the boots’; Skua gni, an stoval gniar LU ‘The shoes chafe, a boot chafes’; Han skUen kann knark, haldar stovandepsg. LU ‘A shoe can squeak, or a boot’; Tass stovladerpl. klamm, tom jara mnjtiasla LU ‘These boots are tight, they are a bit tight’; Ja gitsa, an tom stovladerpl. trampas 'tit, o tom klamm ailes, jara traqar ‘I thought that those boots would become less tight, but they are still tight, they’re stiff’; Ja ant a have iqa blaim upp-gnee, umm stovladerpl. ant a vare so traqar vare LU ‘There wouldn’t have been any blisters if the boots hadn’t been so tight.’
The root vowel fluctuates between [e] and [re]. Compare Sw. stovel‘boot,’ klover ‘clover’ (from Middle Low German stevel, klever), where o instead of e may be due to the following rounded consonant [Wessen 1968: § 34].
|| stival DGRW, stivul NO, -lar DGNO, -ler RW m. DGRW, f. NO [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 214]; stwok, -§a, -§ar, -§a f. [Danell 1951: 405]. Lagman cites stival f. for Dago and Gammalsvenskby, considering it a loan from Baltic German [Lagman 1973: 46]; compare Germ. Stiefel m.
32. sustar/sustar ‘shoemaker’ < Germ. Schuster.
33. targol ‘rag’: slarv-targla rPL. ‘rags’; Ko jar-e for kle nar, he jar bara de targlarPL. kast 'tit LU ‘What’s the use of these clothes, you can only throw them away as rags’; He jar bara de kast 'tit de slarv-targla rPL, gamal kle nar, sundratar LU ‘They can only be thrown away as rags, old clothes, ragged.’
This noun is absent in Vendell’s and Danell’s dictionaries. Danell only cites the corresponding verb [1951: 427]. Compare Sw. (obsolete) targla ‘to tear apart’ [SAOB: T492].
34. tjtir ‘bull’
|| tidr, -ar m. DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 233]; timr/tior, -n, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 432].
35. vavar ‘cart’: diqe-vavar ‘dung cart’; harb-vavar ‘araba’ (type of cart); Norr-vaven0EFSG^ ‘Ursa Major’; ri-vavar AA ‘saddle’; Tom tU 'bott papa de jag aikja po vavan dep sg. som dom ked tite LU ‘They took Dad away to drive the horses in the cart they were travelling in’; Ute harb-vavandepsg. lagge dom 'inn halm, hai de ker, o ter jar an staapo bo siana de ltift-e 'upp hegre, an dar gor maire 'inn tite hon harba LU ‘In the cart they put straw and hay to carry, and there is a ladder on both sides, to lift the hay up higher, so that the cart holds more.’
In interviews with AL this noun fluctuates between types m.1c (vavar) and m.1d (vaven), which is due to the similarity of the definite sg. vaven (of vavar) to such nouns of type m.1c as kaven. MP and LU cite regular forms of type m.1c.
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Sg. Def. sg. Pl. Def. pl.
MP LU vavar vavan vavrar vavra(na)
AL vavar/vaven vavan/vaven vavnar vavna(na)
|| vavn, -ar m. G [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 254]. Compare vagdr, -rar m. Rago, Vippal, vaun, -ar m. Dago, van, -ar m. Ormso [ibid.: 251, 253, 254]; vagoq/vagon/vagok/vagor, -oq/-on m. [Danell 1951: 457].
36. vintar ‘winter’: um vintanDefsg. ‘in the winter’; tjol vintanDefsg. ‘for the winter’; tan fargdje vintanDef sg. ‘last winter’; Ja band. 'Judes ain bunt ma gras, de bara haim otgaite tjol vintanDefsg. LU ‘I’ve tied up a bundle of grass, to carry home to the goat for the winter’; Her nast oss tan fargoje vintanDFF.SG. hav-e upp-jaga slik stUr drivar, an ve ant kunt toa ipet danna LU ‘Here at our place last winter there had blown such big snowdrifts that we couldn’t open the door’; Tasn vintanDFFSG. var hole koldar, var sturanfrost LU ‘This winter was very cold, there were heavy frosts.’
|| vintdr DGR, vintur N, -rar m. [Freudenthal, Vfndfll 1886: 256]; vm-tor, -or\/on, -rar, -ra m. [Danfll 1951: 470].
Type m. 1d
§ 11. A distinguishing feature is the zero ending in the definite singular. To this type belong nouns whose stems end in n and nd. Another group of nouns that occur with the zero ending in the def. sg. are those whose stems end in l after a consonant or an unstressed vowel. The zero ending in this case is probably due not to the phonetic loss of -en after l in the def. sg., but to the fact that these nouns are loanwords; see [Mankov 2013a: § 9; Karlgrfn 1953: § 33]. Nouns in l after a consonant or an unstressed vowel can also occur with the ending -n in the def. sg. (i.e., they belong to type m. 1b). This is particularly typical of interviews with AL and LU; in interviews with MP the zero ending is prevalent. The zero ending in this case makes the present-day dialect different from Karlgren’s records as well as from the dialect of Nucko, where nouns in -l, -ll end in -n in the def. sg. It should also be noted that nouns with stems in l and ll after a stressed vowel belong to type m. 1a in the present-day dialect.
§ 12. The following nouns of type m.1d have occurred in the interviews:
1. aks(a)l ‘axis.’ The final l instead of l can be explained by its position after s [Mankov 2010a: § 10.4]. However, -l could be replaced by l under the influence of Sw. axel.
|| aksal, -er m. DGNO [Freudenthal, Vfndfll 1886: 15], compare ah-kal, -lar m. W FrV 14, aktl, -ar m. Stor R; aksar [Karlgrfn 1953: 9]; aksak, -an/-aq, -er, -e m. [Danfll 1951: 11].
2. bastan ‘field where melons grow’ (< Russ. баштан): Svatt krokana, tom hakk kavna 'sundarpo bastan, han go-sann farldra, hann rwtnas 'bott LU
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‘Black crows, they peck at watermelons in the field, they get spoiled and they rot away’; Ter vaks dom, po han bastanDEPSG, kavnar o dinnjar AL ‘There, in that field, melons and watermelons grow.’
The form bastar m. 2b was recorded as well; it may be due to the interpretation of bastan as a definite sg. form of type 2b.
|| ba$lanar pl. [KARLGREN 1924: 29].
3. bisman ‘steelyard balance’: Ja vifta kate ma bisman LU ‘I weighed the meat with a steelyard’; Ta tan bismanDEPSG, ja har iya anat vift LU ‘Take this steelyard, I don’t have any other scales.’
In interviews with AL there occurred forms caused by the association with mann ‘man’: biss-mann, -0, -mannar, -manne, type m. 4.
|| bismann, -mannerm. G, bisman, -ern. DGNORW [Freudenthal, Ven-DELL 1886: 23]; bis-man, -e, -er, -ena n. [DANELL 1951: 22].
4. bjun ‘bear’
|| bion, -arm. DGNOR [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 23], compare biun, -er m. W [ibid.: 24]; bion, -0, -ar, -a m. [KARLGREN 1953: 18; Da-nell 1951: 26].
5. brunn ‘well’: Min mamases ktisin grava 'tit ot se sole an brunn, ain rond ma stainarfi-en slo ' girm. Tar tarva-de antgrav djtift, fore he an svade var braivar ma vatne. Fore he, an dom ant levd tar maiare, so kasta dom 'fast-n ma smol, an iyen ant falldar ' inn tite-en LU ‘My mother’s cousin dug a well for himself, he had to break through a layer of stone. There you didn’t have to dig deep because the gully was nearby with water. Because they didn’t live there any more, they filled it up with rubbish so that no one would fall into it’; Ja dru vatn 'upp fron brunn o dramft'o ambare LU ‘I was pulling water out of the well and sank the pail.’
|| brunn, -ar m. DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 32], bron, -0, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 49].
6. butl ‘large jar’: Fast skar ja kon, sann rear ja 'hup-e me salt o laggar 'inn-e tite kastrtill, o tat-n raijar sjtiran, so laggar ja 'inn-en tite butlarEL, tite trilitas LU ‘First, I cut the cabbage, then I mix it with salt and put it in a saucepan, and when it gets sour, I put it in jars, in three-litre (jars).’
From Ukr. бутель m.; borrowing from Germ. Buttel f. is less probable because of the gender difference.
7. boun ‘bean’: Vatne kukar, so kastar ja btiraka haldar botinaDEE PE, sann kattifla somja bita 'sundar, ptirkan LU ‘The water is boiling, so I throw in beets or beans, then potatoes that I cut into pieces, and a carrot’; To botinaDEE EE. lig-ge tite skaiana, so go dom ant farldra. Tom som ligge soss loyatiar, so blia-dar makkar tite dom. Tom brukat botinaDEE PE, ter sia-de ant tom makka, a tite kvit botinaDEPPL, ter sia-de hon svatt platta LU ‘When beans are stored in pods, they don’t get spoiled. Those which have been stored like this for a long time, bugs
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appear in them. Spotted beans, there you can’t notice those bugs, but in white beans you see a black spot.’
|| boun, -arf. DG [FREUDENTHAL, VENDELL 1886: 39]; baun, -a, -ar, -ana f. [Danell 1951: 68]. On the masculine gender of this noun in the present-day dialect (instead of the original feminine), see [Mankov 2010b: 95].
8. fan ‘devil,’ a swear word: Lat han fanDEESG^ toa-e allt (or Han fan kan toa-e allt; or Lat han fan toa 'mUt-e allt) ‘To hell with it all’; Far fan a tae-e allt (or Fan a have-e allt taje) ‘To hell with it all’; Fan a have-on tae ‘To hell with her.’
|| fan only sg., m. DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 50], fanen only def. sg., m. GW [ibid.: 62]; fan (according to Isberg, women distort this word, pronouncing it as fan) [Danell 1951: 95].
9. fiun ‘violin’:fiun-spalar m. 2b ‘fiddler.’
|| fiol, -arm. G, comparefitilz'n, -arm. D [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 53]; firnlin/fiplin, -a, -ar, -ana f. [DANELL 1951: 101].
10. gaffl ‘fork’
Phonetically changed under the influence of Germ. Gaffel f. and Sw. gaffel; the genuine form would be *gafal (as recorded by Vendell). In interviews with EU the noun is feminine: hon gafftaDEESG. ‘that fork’; Gav ot mai gafftaDEESG. ‘Give me the fork.’
|| gafal G, gaffal DRW, gaful NO, -lar m. [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 64]; gafol, -n, -lar, -la m. [Danell 1951: 122].
11. grann ‘neighbor’: grann-far m. ‘(male) neighbor’; grann-mUar f. ‘(female) neighbor.’
|| grann, -ar m. DGNORW; compare gradne, pl. gradnar m. G [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 70], an unclear form that looks like a Slavonic loanword; gran, -0, -er, -e m. [DANELL 1951: 130].
12. grain ‘branch’: imp-grain ‘graft’; Grain brotitest ' o, o po han kvtistn blai ja hepjande LU ‘The branch broke, and I got caught on that twig’; Han grainDEE SG , han kan go farldra LU ‘That branch, it can get damaged’; To-de hav strtissar, so gi-de do 'o o brotit tom grainaDEEEE^ fron halstrana. Strtissana jata blana o gnavol barken ' tjand fron tom grainaDEEEE, a he varke bUar otar fron grainaDEEEE, o me-e kann-de aild sann, to-e bliar tott LU ‘When people had rabbits, they went and broke off those branches from willows. Rabbits eat the leaves and browse bark off those branches, and the wood remains from the branches, and you can use it for heating when it gets dry’; GrainaDEESG. kikas so hole fron vadare LU ‘The branches are waving so hard in the wind.’
|| grain, -arm. DGRW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 73]; grain, -0, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 131].
13. hann ‘male’: gos-hann ‘gander’; gait-hann ‘male goat’; katt-hann ‘male cat’; krok-hann ‘raven’; rav-hann ‘male fox’; strtiss-hann ‘male rabbit’; varg-hann ‘male wolf.’
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|| hann, -ar m. G [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 78]; han, -0, -er, -e m. [Danell 1951: 150].
14. hund ‘dog’: drikks-hund ‘drunk; alcoholic’; Han hundDE¥G tjent ot me haila sin liffs-tiar LU ‘That dog has served me his whole life’; HundDE¥SG gnavlar katt-baine LU ‘The dog is gnawing the bone’; Narr ant hundDE¥SG LU ‘Don’t tease the dog’; HundDE¥SG ntirrar, han vill ant slapp 'titt me 'mu.t se LU ‘The dog is snarling, it doesn’t want to let me approach it there’; Ja har hundDERSG. xjoT skjtite AL ‘I have shot down the dog’; Slapp 'lotisar hundDE¥SG MP ‘Untie the dog’; HundDE¥SG sproya 'bott LU ‘The dog ran away’; HundDE¥SG kann svarv tite-de o bit-de LU ‘The dog can grab you and bite you’; Ter var hundDE¥SGfast-bunde LU ‘There was a tied-up dog’; HundaDE¥.PL. gai, gav ant ott-on de soa LU ‘The dogs were barking and didn’t let her sleep’; Hugg 'sundar-en de bitar, o hundaDE¥PEjata upp-e ‘Chop it into pieces, and the dogs will eat it up’; Han byrja 'otar drikk, han drikks-hundDE¥SG^ LU ‘He started to drink again, that drunkard.’
|| htind, htinn or hunn, pl. htindar/hundar DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 86, 87]; hond, -0, -ar, -a m. [Karlgren 1953: 18]; hmnd, def. sg. hrnn, pl. -ar, -a [Danell 1951: 166]. In the dialect of Nucko, the def. sg. htinn developed from *htindn. The indefinite sg. form htinn (instead of htind) recorded by Vendell appeared by analogy with such nouns as grann, which have identical forms in indef. and def. sg.
15. kad(u)fl AL, katufl LU, pl. kadflar AL, kad[e]flar EU, kadeflar AA ‘potato’ (< Germ. Kartoffel f.): kattifl-skalar n. pl. ‘potato peelings’; boka kattiflarpl. ‘baked potatoes’; damt kattiflar ‘stewed potatoes’; fin kattiflar ‘small potatoes’; Kattifl byrjar rai vaks, han har rai grUdar po se LU ‘Potatoes begin sprouting, there are sprouts on it’; Ja holdar 'o damt kattiflarpl. LU ‘I like stewed potatoes’; To-degravar kattifla0E¥ PL ... tomjara tite roana satt, an btisk bait anan. O sosssom-de grava dom, soss ligge dom tite roa. Terplukkarja 'tjand dom fron btisken, sann grabblar ja an tite jude, korar jude titar kvatana de seke, umm dar 'an jar tite jUde. Tom kuna fall 'inn ot kattiflbtisks-holena som rai var tit-grava, kannske an dar 'an jar inn-falle kattifla0E¥PL^ LU ‘When you dig up potatoes... they are planted in rows, one bush after another. And as you are digging them up, they are lying in a row. Then I tear them off the plant, then I keep on rummaging in the dirt, raking through the dirt to see if there are more. They can fall into holes from the plants which had already been dug up, probably there are more potatoes that have rolled inside’; Tom grava 'tit kattifla0E¥ PE, oja gisan de napp 'hup dom LU ‘They had dug up the potatoes, and I went to gather them later’; Ja damt kattiflarPL. ma katt, ja brast fast' ive he kate lite o kasta 'inn ma kattiflaDE¥ PL. de dampas. Ja bita 'inn sipl po tom kattifla0E¥ PE, kasta 'inn lurbas-bla o pipar LU ‘I stewed potatoes with meat, first I fried that meat a little and threw it in to stew with the potatoes. I sprinkled onion on those potatoes, threw in bay leaf and pepper’; Tom jara de grav kattiflaDE¥PL^ (also Tom jara po
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katufl-gravande) LU ‘They are digging up potatoes’; Tom gopo katufl-gravande LU ‘They will go to dig up potatoes.’
In interviews with EU the unstressed vowel fluctuates between [э] and [u]. The fluctuation between a voiceless and voiced intervocalic consonant (kadUfl/katufl) also occurred in kadus/kados/katus ‘cap.’
|| kadufl, -ar f. G, compare kaduful, -lar f. D [Freudenthal, Ven-dell 1886: 98]. In the dialect of Nucko this word is borrowed from Estonian (Est. tuhvel): trnfol, -la, -lar, -lana f. [Danell 1951: 195].
16. kalkun ‘turkey,’ also used humorously for Russians: Risse nammd-dom de kalkunarPL, a konnfd re vait ja ant, tom jara he ain folke soss-som ve LU ‘They called Russians turkeys, but for what reason I don’t know, they are the same people as we are’; Tom kalla risse de kalkunarPL. LU ‘They called Russians turkeys.’
|| kakkor/-k, -oq/-on m. [Danell 1951: 192]; kalkon/-q m. [Isberg 1970: 146].
17. kastrull ‘saucepan’ (< Est. kastrul): KastrullDEPSG. var tit-glozira, ja staitt fast-n o slo 'tit an bita, o no rostast-e, lakar-en LU ‘The pan was enamelled, I hit it and broke off a piece, and it got rusty, it leaks’; KastrullDEPSG. sjou rai, so gjud ja 'tit aildn LU ‘The saucepan was already boiling, so I turned off the gas’; Ja skid min kastrullarPL^ rainar, an dom glima no: fast ma sond, bait sond bli dom blo-letatar, so for ja toa me sop haldar tass vask-soda, san vask dom, so byre dom glima LU ‘I have scrubbed my saucepans clean, so they gleam now: at first with sand, and after the sand they become blueish, so I have to use soap or this washing soda, then wash them, so they start to gleam.’
|| kastrull, -arm. DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 100]; kastrull [Danell 1951: 199].
18. kaven (pl. kavnar, def. pl. kavna/kavnana) ‘watermelon’ (< Ukr. кавун): Ja skar grad 'sundar an kaven LU ‘I have just cut the watermelon into slices’; Ja nipla kena 'tit me kniven fron kavenDEPSG. LU ‘I was picking pips from the watermelon’; Han gi bait biln som sjol kavnarPL, han keft an kaven, o sporftest me futn, o foll 'ner o slu 'sundar han kavenDEPSG. LU ‘He was following the car that sells watermelons, bought a watermelon, and stumbled, and fell down and smashed that watermelon’; Umm dom ant jara slaest, so rutn-dom ant so fikst, a soss kann kavenDEPSG. byre rtitn. KavnaDEPPE. kast dom 'antpo rukan, a fo-de lagge 'titt-n po rukan, fast rammla-de 'titt-n, o sann lagga-de 'upp-en hegare LU ‘If they aren’t bruised, they don’t rot so quickly, but otherwise a watermelon can start rotting. You don’t throw watermelons in a pile, first you roll it there and then put it higher’; Tom kavnaDEPPL^ jara slaendar, tom kuna ant ligge loyatlar LU ‘Those watermelons are bruised, they can’t be kept long’; Ve vaska 'o kavnaDEPPL, skola dom o sann klamd 'girm dom... girm solde, an kena bli 'otar, o sann kuka han saftn fron kavnaDEPPL,, tat-n ant bliar stinndar. О kumar-e sann som povi'dl LU ‘We
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washed the watermelons, peeled them, and then pressed them... through a sieve, so that pips were separated out, and then cooked that juice from the watermelons, until it gets thickened. And it eventually became like jam.’
|| kavnar (pl.) [KARLGREN 1924: 29].
19. ken ‘seed’: blumhatts-ken ‘sunflower seed’; karps-ken ‘pumpkin seed’; ken-hatt ‘sunflower’; Ter tarva-de ant toa 'tit kenaDERPL.fron-dom LU ‘There you don’t have to take the pits out of them (apricots).’
|| ken, -arDGNO m. [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 101]; tian/kian, -a, -ar, -ana f., -0, -ar, -a m. [DANELL 1951: 234].
20. kit(t)l‘jacket’ (< Germ. Kittelm.): Klank kittlDERSG. otskope, aleskrims-n dehup LU ‘Hang the jacket in the wardrobe, otherwise it will get rumpled’; Ute kittlDERSG. jar iqa ina-futtar LU ‘There’s no lining on the jacket.’
|| kitl [KARLGREN 1924: 48].
21. kixxl ‘cookie’
This word was not recorded by Vendell and Danell. A Standard Swedish cognate is kyss, -en, -ar in the meaning ‘round cookie’ [SAOB: K3565]. The dialect form kixxl probably contains the diminutive -l- (i.e. *kyssel); on this suffix in Swedish see [Tamm 1897: 43; Olson 1916: 248-253; Wessen 1992: 58]. As for the phonetic development -ss(e)l- > -xxl-, compare the dialect forms gnixxl ‘wimper, of dogs,’ maxxling ‘smallpox,’ naxxlar ‘nettle’ and Sw. gnissla ‘squeak,’ massling‘measles,’ nassla [Mankov 2010a: § 20].
22. knixxl AL LU, knixxel MP ‘swelling (caused by the cold).’
This word was not recorded by Vendell and Danell. Possible cognates are Sw. knyttel, -n, knyttlar ‘bludgeon; stick; rolling pin’ [SAOB: K1710], Germ. Knuttel m. ‘club; heavy stick.’ In this word -tt(e)l- gave -ssl- and then -xxl- (as in kixxl above). As for the change -tl- > -sl-, compare Sw. nassla and Eng. nettle [Hellquist 1922: 536].
23. mon ‘moon; month’: gamal-mon ‘full moon’; halv-mon ‘half moon’; ni-mon ‘new moon’; Snjuen lo anda de aprill mon LU ‘There was snow all the way into April’; Ja bital kvar monDERSG fore aild, fore vatne, fore kottare LU ‘Every month I pay for the electricity, for the water, for the apartment’; Pattana jara batrare de hold de slaft, fore-an dom vaks fiksare 'tit. Tri monarPL,, so kann-de slaft-dom LU ‘Ducks are better to keep, as they grow up faster. Three months, and you can slaughter them’; Hans muar blai de, to va-n tri monaDERPL. LU ‘His mother died when he was three months old’; He jar fast tfo monaDEPPL. debaks som-on bar LU ‘It was only two months ago that she (cow) calved’; Ja lo ter tfo monaDERPL. Ute sjtik-htise LU ‘I lay there two months in the hospital.’
Names of the months: janvar, fd brar, marts, aprill, maj, jdni, juli, agust, septdmbar, oktdbar, novdmbar, desdmbar MP.
|| man, -ar m. DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 150]; man m., pl. mana (according to Tiberg’s note, the plural ending -a, which is in fact the
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ending of the definite plural, only occurs after numerals) [Karlgren 1953: 19]; mon/moq, -0, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 281].
24. munn ‘mouth’: Ain stur kjod! To-de ondas, he svalmas fron munn LU ‘Hard frost! When you’re breathing, vapor comes out of your mouth.’
|| monn, -arm. G [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 147], mtinn, -arm. DG-NORW [ibid.: 149] ; тшп, -0, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 279].
25. pinn ‘chip’: varkes-pinnar ‘wood chips’; Me troskakvaits-kolba kann-de aild; kann-de dti ' inn-e e gasse o tjen 'unde tien tite stallepinnarPE, LU ‘With corn cobs you can stoke (the stove); you can dip it in paraffin and stoke up the stove instead of using wood chips’; Ma varkes-pinnarPu tjentve 'unde tien ‘With wood chips we stoked up the stove.’
|| pinn, -ar m. DG [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 163]; pin, -0, -ar, -a m. D311.
26. pratsl ‘pretzel’ (< Germ.): Farr sjod dom iqa pratslarPL^ e bue, ve boka sole, kan-de boka ma kavens-sirop, tomjara gUar MP ‘In the past, pretzels weren’t sold in the shop, we baked them ourselves; you can bake them with watermelon syrup, they are tasty’; Far va-dar ant iqapranika, sole bokapratslaDEPPE^ LU ‘In the past, there was no gingerbread, we baked pretzels ourselves.’
27. purkan ‘carrot’ (< Est.porgand [Lagman 1971a: 57]).Ja riva 'sundar ptirkanaDEPPE. LU ‘I’ve grated the carrots’; Vatne kukar, so kastar ja btiraka haldar botina, sann kattifla som ja bita 'sundar, ptirkan. PtirkanaDEP PL. kann-de o bras ' ive ma sipl LU ‘The water is boiling, so I throw in beets or beans, then potatoes that I cut into pieces, and a carrot. The carrots you can also roast with onion.’
28. s^gan ‘Gypsy’ (< Ukr. цйган): Hanas ktisin sa, an-on slafft' inn se ma si'ganaDEP PL ... bandla 1 hup se ma siganaDEP PL ... o vait ant konn-on jar LU ‘Her cousin said that she went away with Gypsies... got involved with Gypsies... and doesn’t know where she is.’
29. sikk(a)l ‘bicycle’ (< Sw. cykel): motar-sikkl ‘motorbike’; Ja komm po sikklkerande LU ‘I came by bike’; De go jar-e an loqar vag fron Slaqedoss anda hitthir ot Svansk-bin, fore he ked ja 1 o po sikkal LU ‘To walk, it’s a long way from Schlangendorf here to the Swedish village, because of this I also rode a bike’; Ve ked ain goyy de mait fisk ma motar-sikkl LU ‘One time we rode on a motorbike to go fishing.’
30. sond only sg. ‘sand’: sond-ruka m.3a ‘sand heap’; Nastpapa varft rig-gen, so brtik-en toa 1 ma me ma se, o so brtik ja hais 1 upp sond po riggen, haitar sond. Han blia-do haitar fron sule LU ‘Dad had a backache, so he used to take me with him, and I used to pour sand on his back, hot sand. In fact, it gets hot in the sun’; Ot bona jar ale bast sond-ruka, tom ligge ter, valtras tite sond, grav opd LU ‘For kids the best thing is a sand heap, they lie in it, roll around in it, dig all over.’
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|| sand (only sg.) m. DGNO [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 226], compare san (only sg.) m. or n. W [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 182]; sond, def. sg. son (< *sonn < *sondn) [Danell 1951: 344].
31. spon ‘spoon’: jata-spon ‘table spoon’; te-spon ‘tea spoon’; Umm-de vriar' inn boglezane, gav ' tjol an jataspon-ftilldar ma salt, tite tri-litas butl. Dar jar tti-slass sponarPL, mindare o sterere, so fo-de lagge 'inn han mindare spon-ftilldar. Umm-de laggar ' inn ma han stur, so kann-e bli saltasla LU ‘If you tin potatoes, add a tablespoon of salt, in a three-litre jar. There are two types of spoons: bigger and smaller, so you have to put in a smaller spoonful. If you put in the bigger (spoonful), it can become quite salty.’
|| span, -arm. DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 209]; spon, -0, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 389].
32. stain ‘stone’: stain-grin n. ‘small stone’; stain-grtis n. ‘gravel’; stain-mtir m. ‘stone fence’; blo-stain ‘blue stone, vitriol’; bank-stain ‘stone near the gate where people used to sit and chat’; gro-stain ‘granite’; grtis-stain only sg. ‘gravel’; kalk-stain ‘limestone’; kostain ‘chimney’; kvass-stain ‘whetstone’; minn-stain ‘monument,’ skinu-stain ‘whetstone’; slip-stain, also sliv-stain ‘slipstone’; aild-stain ‘flint’; oti-stain ‘pupil (referring to the eye)’; Farr va-dar ait hol, o tite he hole lad dom 'inn stainaDEEPU o ailda, an-dom brann 'girm se. Han som ant brinndar 'tit, han bliar' o an stain, o han som brinndar 'tit se kann-de sann slakke de kalk... Farr va-dar an bilsom kom o sjod slik stainarPL. de slakke kalk, o folke keft tom ambarena me kalk-stainarPL. LU ‘In the past, there was a pit, and they put stones in that pit and made a fire, so that they (the stones) burn out. The one that doesn’t burn out, it remains a stone, and from the one that burns out you can later make lime. In the past, there was a car that came and sold such stones to make lime, and people bought bucketfuls of limestones’; Hon dremd, an dom jara var stur stainaDE¥ PL ... dar jar stur stainarPL. var brantan LU ‘She had a dream that they (those who had drowned) were near the big stones... there are big stones by the precipice’; Anna sa, an ja ska napp ' hup stainaDE¥ PL. var kallas danna LU ‘Anna said that I should gather the stones by the door of the cellar’; Ve slipa ikse, hakka, kniven, allt,po slip-stain LU ‘We sharpened the axe, hoe, knife, everything, on a slipstone.’
|| stain, -arm. DGRW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 219]; stain, -0, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 394].
33. stakan ‘glass (for drinking)’ (< Russ. стакан): Han kann bara snjti 'inn ot stakan, soss byrjar-en 'otar drikk. O han lova se ant de drikk maiar LU ‘He can just sniff the glass and he begins drinking (alcohol) again. And he promised not to drink (any alcohol) anymore.’
The form staka m.3a was also cited. It appeared due to the reanalysis of stakan > staka-n (after the pattern stoka ‘stick’ : def. sg. stoka-n).
|| staga/staka, -r m. [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 219].
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34. stayal (-0, -lar, -la) ‘pole’ (< Germ. Stangel m.): trdskakvdits-staylaDERPL. ‘cornstalks.’
|| This word is absent from Vendell’s and Danell’s dictionaries.
35. taf(a)l ‘blackboard’ (< Germ. Tafel f.)
The masculine gender in the dialect may be caused by the influence of such masculine nouns in -al as ayal, stayal, kriyal, kittl, sikkal.
|| taval, -lar f. G, tavul, -lar f. O, tafl, -ar m. W, taful, -lar f. N [Freu-DENTHAL, Vendell 1886: 230]; tafel, -n, -lar, -la m. [Karlgren 1953: 18]; tafol/tavol, -n, -lar, -la m. [DANELL 1951: 428].
36. tinn ‘tooth’ (e.g., of a saw)
|| tinn, -arm. GNORW, f. D [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 232]; tin, -0, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 430].
37. tsaun ‘vat’ (< Ukr. чавун m.): Satt 'upp tsaunDERSG. po grit-tien, o an-e ska kuk fiksare, ta 'tjand riyya ‘Put the vat on the stove, and to make it boil quicker, take the rings off the burners.’
|| The word is absent from Vendell’s and Danell’s dictionaries.
38. tain ‘spool’: spinn-tain ‘spindle’; gon-tain ‘spool of thread’
|| tain, -arm. DGRW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 244]; tain, -0, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 428].
39. ayal ‘angel’ (< Germ. Engel or Sw. angel)
|| aggo§, -§a, -§ar, -§ana f. [Isberg 1970: 380].
Type m. 1e
§ 13. A distinguishing feature of this type is the element -j- which appears in front of the plural endings. Originally the occurrence of -j- did not depend on the final consonant of the root [Noreen 1904: § 390-393], but in the present-day dialect -j- is attached to roots terminating in velar consonants. The following nouns of this type have occurred in the interviews:
1. -bakk in vato-bakk ‘puddle’
|| bakk, -arm. DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 37], vatubakk DGNRW, -bakke O, pl. -ar DNRW, -iar GO m. [ibid.: 253] ‘brook; small river’; b«_k, -en, -( i)ar, -( i)a m. [DANELL 1951: 65].
2. bank ‘bench’: ljti-bank AA ‘bench by the gate’ (where women sit and gossip; ljti means ‘to tell a lie’); site-bank AL ‘bench in the street’; skul-bank ‘school desk’; Han sita-ter aldina po bankenDERSG LU ‘He sits there alone on the bench’; Umm-e a ravna, so-dom ant a satt ter po bankaDE¥PL. LU ‘If it were raining, they wouldn’t be sitting there on the benches’; To ve levd u.te Poln, so va-dar ute skula blakk-glasnapoparta... po skul-bank/aDEF.PL. LU ‘When we lived in Poland, there were ink pots in the school on the desk... on the school-desks.’
|| bagk DGNRW, bagke O, pl. bagkiar m. [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 37]; bagk, -en, -iar, -ia m. [Danell 1951: 66].
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3. drayy/dray ‘servant’ (especially groom)
|| dragg DGNRW, dragge O, -iar m. [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 45]; dragg, -en, -iar, -ia m. [Danell 1951: 80].
4. flakk ‘ spot; stain’: bloar flakk ‘bruise’; FlakkenDERSG. vill ant vaskas 'tit,ja kann ant fo tit-n LU ‘The stain won’t wash off, I can’t get it out.’
|| flakk DGNRW, flakke O, pl. -ar RW, -iar DGN m. [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 56];fkak, -en, -iar, -ia m. ‘place’ [Danell 1951:108].
5. -lagg: biks-lagg ‘trouser leg’
|| lagg DGW, lagge NO, -jar m. ‘shank; shin; hosiery leg’ [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 134]; lag, -en, -iar, -ia m. ‘shinbone’ [Danell 1951: 260].
6. rigg‘back’: Tarvar ant bara-epo riggenDERSG. he, som-en holdar' inn e htie LU ‘One doesn’t need to carry on the back what he carries in his head’ (i.e., knowledge is useful; proverb); Nast papa varft riggenDERSG. LU ‘Dad had a backache’; Ja sattest'upp po riggenDERSG. nast hund LU ‘I sat astride the dog’; Gamal dOana jara po riggenDERSG. rai. Baina kann ant go, riggenDERSG. bUar kimpatar, htie deframm, atsole debaks LU ‘Old age is behind the back. The legs can’t walk, the back becomes bent, the head is forward, the bottom is backward.’
|| rigg, -iarm. DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 171]; rig, -en, -ar, -a m. [Danell 1951: 332].
7. stray ‘stream of liquid’
|| stragg, -iar m. DGNO, compare stragg, -iar m. RW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 217]; stragg, -en, -iar, -ia m. [Danell 1951: 401].
8. sakk ‘sack’: rigge-sakk ‘backpack’; Ja hanta ant haila sakkenDEESGftilldar, a hanta bara an stimpl, a mair kunt ja ant slap. Ja a have btire an halvar sakk LU ‘I haven’t brought a full sack, but only brought less than half, and I couldn’t carry any more. I’d have brought half a sack.’
|| sakk(e), -iarm. DGNORW [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 227]; s&k, -en, -iar, -ia m. [Karlgren 1953: 18]; sak, -en, -( i)ar, -( i)a m. [Danell 1951: 417].
9. -trisk in dan(n)-trisk ‘threshold,’ trapp-trisk ‘threshold’: Ja gi ant lamft, ja stu po trappa o bla ska ' tit-e ive dann-triskenDEESG, ja var lat de gO lay are LU ‘I didn’t go far, I stood at the porch and splashed it out over the threshold, I didn’t feel like walking any farther.’
The form trisk (instead of *triskal), which was recorded by Vendell, appeared due to the reanalysis of the definite sg.: trisken (def. sg. of triskal) > trisk-en by analogy with the correlation gavol : gaven. Compare kvarv alongside kvarval (§ 10.19 above).
|| triskal DG, triskul NO, -lar m. [Freudenthal, Vendell 1886: 238]; triskok, -oy/-on, -kar, -ka m. [Danell 1951: 443].
10. aik ‘horse’: aike-hu m. 3b ‘horseshoe’; aike-skOn n. ‘horse dung’; Um dar a vare an aik, so ja a ree pO-en MP ‘If there were a horse, I would ride it’; Kann-de ri po aikenDEESG? LU ‘Can you ride a horse?’; E bOn-tien rai ja po
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aikenBEESG. AL ‘In childhood I rode a horse’; To ve var Ute Komi... to-e rai byrjar leu, snjtien, so kid ve 'tit umm monnan bittle, um tria kid ve rai 'tit ma aikenBEE SG. fron stalle, o kid varke ma slaa fron skuen so loyatiar som-e antan jar varmt. To jar-e varmare, so brUtts aikenBEESG. innot snjtien. AikenBEESG. som ja kir varke ma, for ja skriv 'unde me 'fore-en. Umm-e skis noat ma-en, so for ja bital fore aikenBEESG. Soss-som aikenBEESG, jar lunkatar o stor e stalle, bital ja fjorete-tfo rUblfore an da. So moyy doar som-en stor, for ja bital LU ‘When we were in Komi... when it starts to thaw, the snow, we rode out early in the morning, around three we rode out with the horse from the stable, and carried wood with a sledge from the forest as long as it isn’t warm yet. When it’s warmer, the horse sinks into the snow. The horse that I carried the wood with, I had to sign for it. If something happens to it, I have to pay for the horse. Because the horse is limping and has to remain in the stable, I pay 42 roubles a day. For as many days as it stands there, I have to pay’; Hoss ja rai var matt me-en, han aikenBEESG! Tjol vore fore middan lindar-e, a tjol kvildn jar frostn (also frost). Allt jar skarft-frosetpo de, klina, sto ind o gnias. Klinajara allar votar, biksana o hankh, hir for ja an spann 'tit aikenBEESG, a handare jara stivar. Tata jar sku-arbet. He var've, a han stakkas aikenBEESG, an ja gav hon stuppa hai ot-n tjol, han kann do ant laggjas nir, fo-do draa allt LU ‘How I was fed up with it, that horse! Towards spring before midday it thaws, and towards the evening there’s frost. Everything is frozen hard on you, the clothes, they stand on end and rub. The clothes are all wet, the trousers and mittens, and here I still have to unharness the horse, and my hands are stiff. This is forest work. This is how it was for us, and that poor horse, I give a handful of hay to it, he can’t lay down, to be sure, has to haul everything’; Stigen jar brantatar, so mnjtiar, hir kann-de ant kir ma aikjaBEE EB LU ‘The path is steep, so narrow, here you can’t ride horses.’
|| aik, -iar m. DG [Freubenthal, Venbell 1886: 265]; aike, aiken, aikiar, aikia m. [Danell 1951: 487].
§ 14. Nouns listed in the preceding paragraph tend to lose -j- in the plural (i.e., bankjar alongside bankar, which is particularly typical of LU), going over to type 1a. The opposing regularity is also observed: -j- may appear in the plural of those nouns of type 1a which end in a velar consonant:19 busk ‘bush,’ pl. busk(j)ar, def. pl. busk(j)a(na); гщ ‘ring,’ riqq(j)ar (also in interviews with LU). Compare a similar fluctuation in feminine nouns:fliq ‘shred,’ def. sg.fliya AL,fliyja LU, pl.fliy(j)ar, def. pl.fliy(j)ana.
§ 15. The noun blase ‘forehead’20 can be included in type 1e. Its characteristic feature is a short root (all other nouns of this type have long roots), after
19 The only known exception is gUbb ‘old man,’ which occurred with the pl. gubbjar (usually gubbar).
20 See also [Tiberg 1962: 111-118] on this noun.
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which e (< *-j-) is preserved. Historically, this noun may be ajan-stem: *blasja > blase. The following forms occurred in the interviews:
Sg. Def. sg. Pl. Def. pl.
LU blase blasn blasjar blasena, blasja(na)
al blase, bias blasn blas(j)ar blasja(na), blasana
MP blase, blasen blasen blasjar blasena
In the def. sg. the phonetically regular form is blasn, where е is syncopated between s and n. The wish to eliminate the non-trivial correlation blase : blasn resulted in the forms bias : blasn (type m. 1b) and blasen : blasen (type m. 1d, after the pattern of kaven). The def. sg. form blasen and the def. pl. blasena can be explained as the stem blase- (extracted from the indefinite singular) + the endings -n and -na.
|| blass, -ar f. NO, compare bias (pl. is not used) m. DGNORW, blasu, -r f. W ‘blaze (on the forehead of animals)’; bk&se, bk&sn, bk&siar, bk&sia m. [Karlgren 1953: 18]; bkas, an, ar, a m. [Danell 1951: 34].
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Александр Евгеньевич Маньков, канд. филол. наук
ст. преп. кафедры германской филологии филологического факультета
Православного Свято-Тихоновского гуманитарного университета
109651 Москва, ул. Иловайская, д. 9, корп. 2
Россия / Russia
mankov-pstgu@hotmail.com
Slovene
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